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THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 


THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND 

THE  CELTIC  WORLD  BY 

HAROLD  PEAKE,  F.S.A. 


...v. :    ::••;;..;.'.::  v- 


LONDON  :    BENN    BROTHERS,    LIMITED 

8  BOUVERIE  STREET,  E.C.4 

1922 


G^n 


?t1 


PRINTED  AND  MADE  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN   BY  HEAOUY  MOTHKHS, 
l8,  DEVONSHIRE  STREET,  E,C.3  ;  AND  ASIirORD,  KENT. 


V 


DEDICATION 

To  the  anonymous  benefactors  whose 
liberality  made  possible  the  delivery  of  these 
lectures  this  work  is  gratefully  dedicated. 


515641 


PREFACE 


THE  substance  of  the  following  pages  was  delivered  in  February  last  in  a 
series  of  six  lectures  at  The  University  College  of  Wales,  Aberystwyth.  In 
volume  form  the  matter  has  been  somewhat  re-arranged  and  the  latter  part 
expanded. 

So  many  attempts  have  been  made  during  the  last  century  and  a  quarter  to 
locate  the  Aryan  cradle  and  to  trace  the  wanderings  of  the  Wiros,  that  it  may  be 
considered  presumptuous  for  the  author  to  venture  on  a  further  suggestion.  He 
can  only  plead  that  most  of  the  previous  attempts  have  been  made  by  philologists, 
usually  with  little  or  no  archaeological  experience,  while  the  discoveries  of  the  last 
quarter  of  a  century  have  placed  the  inquirer  to-day  in  a  position  which  is  vastly 
superior  to  that  of  most  of  his  predecessors.  The  evolution  and  distribution  of  the 
leaf-shaped  swords  seem  to  provide  a  crucial  test  by  which  to  gauge  the  value  of  previous 
suggestions. 

The  author  has  felt  that  it  would  be  for  the  convenience  of  the  reader  if  he  reduced 
the  footnotes  at  the  bottom  of  the  page  to  the  smallest  possible  dimensions,  while 
describing  each  work  quoted  very  fully  in  the  bibliography  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 
In  many  cases,  where  the  subject  matter  does  not  form  the  basis  of  his  argument  and 
the  fact  is  not  in  dispute,  he  has  thought  that  it  would  be  more  useful  to  quote  a  recent 
and  readily  accessible  volume,  preferably  in  English,  in  which  authorities  are  fully 
cited,  than  to  include  all  the  original  authorities  in  the  notes  and  bibliography.  This 
applies  specially  to  Chapter  II,  and  to  some  extent  to  those  immediately  following. 

The  author  would  Uke  to  take  this  opportunity  of  thanking  his  many  friends, 
who  have  so  kindly  placed  their  knowledge  and  experience  at  his  disposal,  especially 
the  Principal  and  other  authorities  of  The  University  College  of  Wales,  Aberystwyth, 


for  inviting  him  to  deliver  the  lectures,  and  Professors  H.  J.  Fleure  and  H.  J.  Rose. 
He  wishes  also  to  thank  the  Rev.  Professor  A.  H.  Sayce,  Professor  W.  M.  FUnders 
Petrie  and  Miss  M.  A.  Murray,  who  have  sent  him  valuable  notes,  Mr.  E.  Sharwood 
Smith  for  much  help  with  classical  references.  Professor  J.  L.  M5n-es  and  Dr.  S.  Singer 
for  many  helpful  suggestions.  Especially  are  his  thanks  due  to  Mr.  J.  H.  Le  Rougetil, 
for  procuring  drawings  of  swords  from  the  Buda-Pest  Museum,  to  Sir  Arthur  Evans, 
Dr.  A.  J.  B.  Wace  and  Mr.  S.  Casson  for  photographs  and  drawings  from  Crete 
and  Athens,  to  Dr.  W.  Smid  and  Dr.  F.  Neumann  for  sketches  and  notes  on 
the  specimens  at  Graz  and  Laibach,  and  above  all  to  Dr.  Adolf  Mahr,  of  the 
Naturhistorisches  Museum  at  Vienna,  for  drawings  of  the  swords  and  other  objects  in 
his  museum  and  for  an  immense  amount  of  help  in  other  ways.  He  wishes  also  to 
thank  the  authorities  of  various  museums  for  permission  to  publish  drawings  of  specimens 
in  their  collections,  and  the  Trustees  of  the  British  Museum  for  allowing  him  to  reproduce 
Plate  HI. 

These  are  only  some  of  the  many  kind  friends  who  have  given  him  assistance 
and  who  have  helped  him  with  suggestions  and  in  verifying  references.  To  all  these  he 
returns  his  grateful  thanks.  He  wishes  also  to  acknowledge  the  great  help  afforded 
to  him  by  the  officials  of  the  London  Library,  the  Society  of  Antiquaries,  the  Royal 
Anthropological  Institute,  the  Hellenic  Society  and  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  and  to 
take  this  opportunity  of  thanking  them  for  their  unvarying  courtesy. 

HAROLD   PEAKE. 
2gih  June,  1922. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

PREFACE 9 

LIST  OF  FIGURES  AND  MAPS     -            -            -           -            -  n 

LIST  OF  PLATES 13 

I    THE  PROBLEM 15 

II    THE  FIRST  INHABITANTS  OF  CELTIC  LANDS           -            -  19 

III  EARLY  TRADE  WITH  CELTIC  LANDS                -           -            -  34 

IV  THE  PROSPECTORS 48 

V    THE  CELTIC  CRADLE         -            -    '        -            -            -           -  61 

VI    MANY  INVASIONS 71 

VII     THE  EVOLUTION  OF  THE  LEAF-SHAPED  SWORD                 -  81 

VIII    THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  LEAF-SHAPED  SWORDS         -  92 

—      IX    GREEK  LANDS  AND  THE  BASIS  OF  CHRONOLOGY              -  104 

X    THE  IRON  SWORD 117 

XI    A  RECAPITULATION 126 

XII    THE  ARYAN  CRADLE 132 

XIII  P'S  AND  Q'S 144 

XIV  THE  WANDERINGS  OF  THE  WIROS      -           -           -           -  153 
XV    CONCLUSION 168 

App.  I    CHRONOLOGY 170 

App.  II    MATRILINEAR  SUCCESSION  IN  GREECE          -            -            -  i73 

BIBLIOGRAPHY i77 

INDEX 191 


LIST  OF  FIGURES  AND   MAPS 


PAGE 

1  MAP   OF   CELTIC   LANDS   AND   THE   CELTIC   CRADLE       -                -                -                -  l6 

2  POTSHERD   FROM    KOSZYLOWSCE,   GALICIA         -----  65 

3  BOWL  DECORATED  WITH  RED  LINES,  DISCOVERED  IN  THE  GREAT   "  THOLOS  " 

OF  HAGHIA  TRIADA              ----_--  65 

4  CARINATED  VASE   FROM  SPAIN               ------  77 

5  SILVER  VASE   FROM   HISSARLIK  II.        -                r                -                -                -                -  78 

6  BELL   BEAKER  --------78 

7  NORTHERN   BEAKER                      -----_.  yg 

8  GROOVED   ITALIAN   DAGGER                       --_-_.  83 

9  RIVETED   DAGGER-HILT  ------.84 

ID  LEAF-SHAPED   SWORD                   --_-__.  84 

11  BRONZE   HILT  OF  LEAF-SHAPED   SWORD             -                -                -                .                .  85 

12  TANG,   WITH  FLANGED   EDGES,   SHAPED  TO  FIT  THE   HAND                    -               -  86 

13  CONVEX  AND  CONCAVE   BUTTS               -               -               -               -               -               -  87 

14  («)   SECTION   NOT   UNLIKE   THAT  OF  A   SPEAR-HEAD                     -                -                -  88 
(6)   RHOMBOID   SECTION   WITH   CONCAVE   SIDES               -                -                -                -  88 

15  SPINDLE-SHAPED   SECTION                        ------  90 

16  THE  CUTTING  EDGE  OF  THE  BLADE  BEGINS  AN  INCH  OR  TWO  BELOW  THE  BUTT  90 

17  SPINDLE-SHAPED   SECTION   WITH   MODIFIED   EDGE        -                -                -                -  9I 

18  DEVEREL-RIMBURY   URNS          -------  io2 

19  URN   OF  TYPE   3--------  io2 

20  FIVE   TYPES   OF   RACQUET   PINS              -                -                -                -                -                -  II9 

21  RACQUET   PINS   FROM   THE   KOBAN        ------  12O 

22  SWORD   FROM   ZAVADYNTSE                       -                -                -                -                -                -  12I 

23  MAP   SHOWING  DISTRIBUTION  OF  TYPE    G  SWORDS  IN   FRANCE            -               -  123 

24  MAP   SHOWING   DISTRIBUTION   OF   IRON   SWORDS  IN   FRANCE                   -                -  124 

25  TYPE   G  SWORD   FROM   FINLAND             .--_-_  j^q 

26  MAP  SHOWING  DISTRIBUTION  OF  SWORDS  AND   DIALECTS  IN   ITALY                 -  150 


LIST    OF    PLATES 

(AT  END  OF  VOLUME) 


PLATE 

AXES   FROM   THE   MEDITERRANEAN   AND   WEST  EUROPE             -                -                -  i 

DAGGERS   FROM  THE   MEDITERRANEAN   AND   WEST  EUROPE    -                -                -  H 

AN  ETRUSCAN   PROSPECTOR      -------  m 

FIVE  HUNGARIAN  DAGGERS      -                -                -                -                -                --  TV 

SIX   LARGER   DAGGERS                 -..___.  y 

THE   SEVEN   TYPES   OF   LEAF-SHAPED   SWORDS                -                -                -                _  yi 

SWORDS   OF  TYPE   A,   FROM   HUNGARY                -----  yil 

SWORDS   OF  TYPE   C,   FROM   HUNGARY                -----  yill 

SWORDS   OF  TYPE   D,   FROM  HUNGARY                -----  ix 

SWORDS   OF  TYPE   E,   FROM   HUNGARY                -----  x 

SWORDS  OF  TYPE   G.                   -------  xi 

SWORDS   FROM  GREEK  LANDS                  -_---.  xil 

SWORDS  FROM   ITALY                   .--..._  xill 

SWORDS  FROM  ENGLAND          -----..  xiV 


i 


Chapter  I 
THE    PROBLEM 

FOR  the  last  fifteen  hundred  years  the  Celtic  tongues  have  been  spoken  only 
in  the  extreme  north-west  of  Europe,  in  parts  of  Ireland,  the  west  of  Scotland, 
and  the  Isle  of  Man,  in  Wales,  Cornwall  and  Brittany,  and  for  some  httle  time 
these  languages  have  ceased  to  be  spoken  in  Cornwall  and  the  Isle  of  Man. 

But  we  have  ample  evidence  that  these  tongues  had  once  a  wider  range,  and  were 
pushed  westward  in  the  first  instance  by  the  spread  of  Roman  culture  and  the  Latin 
language  as  the  empire  increased  its  bounds,  and  still  more  by  the  Teutonic  tribes  who 
invaded  the  western  half  of  that  empire  and  brought  about  its  fall. 

If  however  we  examine  the  evidence  which  has  come  down  to  us  from  the  first 
century  before  the  Christian  era,  especially  such  material  as  has  been  furnished  by 
Caesar  and  Strabo,  we  shall  find  that  languages  of  the  Celtic  type  were  spoken  at  that 
time  throughout  all  Europe  west  of  the  Rhine  and  north  of  the  Pyrenees  and  the  southern 
slopes  of  the  Alps.  We  shall  note  also  that  these  tongues  were  spoken  in  many  parts  of 
Spain  and  in  North  Italy,  though  in  both  these  areas  they  were  of  relatively  late 
introduction. 

Again  there  is  another  area  in  which  Celtic  speech  was  in  use  at  that  time,  or  had 
been  shortly  before.  This  is  the  mountain  or  Alpine  zone  of  Central  Europe,  as  far 
east,  at  least,  as  a  Une  drawn  from  Cracow  to  Agram.  It  is  possible,  too,  that  such 
tongues  may  have  been  spoken  at  one  time  still  further  east. 

The  problem  before  us  is  to  inquire  first  in  what  region  the  Celtic  tongues  originated, 
then  how  and  when  they  spread  to  the  areas  in  which  we  find  them  two  thousand  years 
ago.  To  do  this  we  shall  have  to  review  the  condition  of  these  areas  both  from  the 
standpoint  of  prehistoric  archaeology  and  physical  anthropology,  to  see  whether  the 
evidence  derived  from  these  sciences,  taken  together  with  that  drawn  from  comparative 
philology  and  the  study  of  place-names,  can  help  us  to  reach  a  solution. 


i 


i6 


THE  iBRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 


But  the  problem  is  further  complicated  by  the  fact  that  the  Celtic  languages  fall 
into  two  groups.  In  the  one  occurs  the  sound  qu,  which  has  in  later  days  become  a  hard 
c,  while  in  the  other  this  sound  has  become  labiahsed  and  converted  into  a.  p  or  b.  It 
has  been  thought  by  some  that  the  qu  peoples,  spoken  of  usually  as  Goidels  or  Gaels, 
arrived  first  from  the  common  Celtic  home,  and  that  the  p  peoples,  called  Brythons  or 


FIG.    I. — CELTIC  LANDS   AND  THE  CELTIC  CRADLE. 

Cymri,  came  later  from  the  same  centre  ;  this  view  is,  however,  strenuously  denied  by 
others.     We  have,  therefore,  to  determine  if  we  can,  not  only  whence  and  when  the 
Celtic  languages  arrived  in  the  west,  but  whether  they  came  in  one,  two  or  more  waves. 
Lastly,  we  find  that  the  Celtic  tongues,  as  spoken  to-day,  contain  elements  of 
grammar  and  syntax,  and  not  a  few  words  too,  which  divide  them  off  sharply  from  those 


THE  PROBLEM  17 

groups  of  languages  to  which  they  are  in  other  respects  akin.  Also  it  is  believed  by 
some  that  non-Celtic  languages,  such  as  Pictish,  survived  in  this  region  until  relatively 
late  times,  while  it  is  well-known  that  a  primitive  non-Celtic  tongue,  the  Basque,  is 
still  spoken  in  the  fastnesses  of  the  Pyrenees.  It  is  important,  therefore,  if  we  are  to  have 
before  us  all  the  factors  which  enter  into  the  problem,  that  we  should  inquire  what 
people  were  here  before  the  first  Celts  arrived,  and  that  we  should  make  ourselves  to 
some  extent  famihar  with  all  the  different  races  and  cultures  which  preceded  the  Celtic 
invaders. 

If  we  pass  across  England  and  Wales  from  east  to  west,  and  the  same  is  almost  as 
true  if  we  cross  Scotland,  we  find,  first  of  all  that  the  population  is  mainly  tall  and 
fair,  while  as  we  proceed  we  come  across  elements  which  are  darker  and  shorter,  until  in 
Wales  and  the  West  Highlands  we  find  the  majority  of  the  people  are  small  brunettes 
of  slender  build.  This  dark  type  is  also  to  be  met  with  in  Ireland,  especially  in  the 
west,  the  part  of  that  island  in  which  the  Erse  language  has  best  survived. 

It  is  because  the  Celtic  tongues,  whether  qu  or  p,  are  spoken  chiefly  by  people 
of  this  small  brunette  type,  that  it  is  frequently  called  the  Celtic  race,  and  yet  all  the 
evidence  of  ancient  authorities  goes  to  show  that  2,000  or  2,500  years  ago  the  Celts  were 
looked  upon  as  a  tall,  fair  people."  Here  is  another  difficulty  which  must  be  taken  into 
consideration  as  we  make  our  inquiries,  for  no  solution  can  be  considered  sound  which 
cannot,  without  straining  the  evidence,  answer  all  these  questions. 

As  we  have  seen  the  main  areas  which  were  Celtic-speaking  in  the  time  of  Caesar 
were  the  British  Isles  and  Gaul,  west  of  the  Rhine  ;  these  I  shall  term  Celtic  lands, 
leaving  out  Spain  and  Cis-alpine  Gaul  as  areas  into  which  the  Celtic  invasion  arrived  at 
a  relatively  late  date.  Now,  besides  these  Celtic  lands  Celtic  tongues  were  spoken  in 
the  Alpine  zone,  and  perhaps  at  one  time  still  further  east.  It  is  from  this  area  that  the 
Celtic  languages  have  been  thought  by  some  to  have  entered  the  lands  of  the  west. 
They  cannot  have  been  introduced  from  Spain  or  Italy,  into  which  they  were  late  entrants, 
but  it  has  been  suggested  by  some  writers  that  they  arrived  from  the  north-east,  from 
the  Baltic  region.  It  is  true  that  there  is  some  sUght  evidence  that  Celtic  place-names 
have  existed  in  this  area,  but  the  balance  of  evidence,  as  I  shall  hope  to  show,  seems  to 

»  Beddoe  (1885)  29  ;  Holmes  (1907)  434,  437,  440  ;  Macalister  (1921)  2.  41-49. 


i8  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

prove  that  Celtic  people  arrived  there  relatively  late  and  not  in  large  numbers,  and 
that  they  were  never  the  dominant  people  of  that  region.  There  remains  only  the 
Alpine  zone  and  the  lands  to  the  east  of  it.  This  area,  from  the  Jura  to  the  Iron  Gates, 
from  the  northern  slopes  of  the  Carpathians  to  the  southern  foot-hills  of  the  Alps,  I 
shall  term  the  Celtic  cradle,  and  I  trust  that  the  evidence  which  I  shall  produce  will 
convince  my  readers  that  I  am  correct  in  so  doing. 


Chapter  II 
THE  FIRST  INHABITANTS  OF  CELTIC  LANDS 

OF  the  earliest  inhabitants  of  Celtic  lands  we  know  little  or  nothing.  We  have, 
it  is  true,  a  number  of  tools  made  of  flaked  flint,  but  they  tell  us  Httle  of 
the  men  who  fashioned  them.  In  spite  of  the  recent  admissions  by  the  eminent 
French  archaeologists  who  have  examined  the  new  discoveries  at  Foxhall,'  there  is  still 
no  httle  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  human  workmanship*  of  rostro-carinates,  eoHths 
and  such  Uke  early  attempts,  and  no  human  remains  have  come  to  hght  which  can  be 
attributed  with  any  probability  to  this  horizon. 

When  we  come  to  what  is  usually  termed  the  lower  palaeolithic  period  we  are  on 
surer  ground,  for  no  one  now  denies  the  origin  of  implements  of  the  Chelles  and  St. 
Acheul  t5^es.  But  the  only  skeletal  remains  which  can  with  certainty  be  attributed 
to  this  period  are  the  human  jaw  from  the  Mauer  sand-pit  near  Heidelberg,^  and  the 
famous  Piltdown  skull."  Few  people  now  beUeve  that  the  Galley  Hill  skeleton  dates  from 
so  remote  a  time,'  while  the  discoverer  himself  has  disclaimed  so  early  an  origin  for  the 
Ipswich  man.* 

To  attempt  to  reconstruct  a  human  type  from  a  mandible  alone  would  be  indeed 
to  carry  far  the  principle  of  ex  pede  Herculem,  and  as  yet  there  is  httle  agreement  among 
anthropologists  as  to  the  exact  date,  or  for  that  matter  the  exact  reconstruction,  of  the 
Piltdown  skull,'  though  the  ingenious  hypothesis  that  a  unique  human  cranium  without 

»  Moir  (1921)  390-411  ;    Burkitt  (1921)  2.  456,  7  ;    Man  xxii.  33. 
»  Macalister  (1921)  1.  148-177. 

3  Keith  (1915)  1.  228-244  ;    Schotensack  (1908). 

4  Keith  (1915)  1.  293-452  ;    Dawson,  etc.  {1913)  ;    Boule  (1915). 

i  Keith  {1915)  !•  178-193  ;    Duckworth  {1913) ;    Macalister  (1921)  1.  222.  where  other  authorities  are  cited. 
'  Nature,  12th  October,  1916. 

7  The  question  is  well  discussed  by  Macalister  (1921)  1.  196-204,  who  gives  numerous  references. 

19 


«o  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

a  jaw,  was  found  in  close  association  with  a  unique  troglodyte  mandible  has  now. 
I  understand,  definitely  been  abandoned.* 

Thus  httle  or  nothing  is  known  of  the  first  inhabitants  of  Celtic  lands,  beyond  their 
tools,  but  when  we  come  to  the  middle  palaeohthic  period  the  case  is  different.  While 
some  difference  of  opinion  still  exists,  the  view  advanced  by  Obermaier'  and  others  seems 
to  be  gaining  ground,  that  in  Celtic  lands  the  industry  of  Le  Moustier  first  appeared  as 
the  climate  was  becoming  colder  on  the  approach  of  the  last  or  Wiirm  glaciation,  though 
it  is  thought  by  some  that  it  had  flourished  in  an  earlier  and  warmer  time  in  the  regions 
lying  to  the  east."  This  industry  is  beheved  by  most  authorities  to  have  survived  the 
first  Wiirm  maximum  and  to  have  lasted  through  the  temporary  ameUoration  of  the 
Laufen  retreat.  Whether  it  survived,  too,  the  second  maximum,  and  lasted  until  the 
climate  definitely  improved  is  more  doubtful,  but  many  archaeologists  of  great  repute 
believe -that  it  did  so,"  and  unless  this  was  the  case  it  will  be  difficult  to  explain  certain 
features  of  the  Audi  flints." 

Though  there  is  as  yet  no  general  agreement  as  to  the  duration  of  the  Mousterian 
industry,  it  is  different  when  we  come  to  consider  the  type  of  man  who  was  responsible 
for  this  work.  Everyone  is  agreed  that  the  authors  of  this  culture  were  of  the  type 
known  as  Neanderthal  man,  for  several  skeletons  of  this  type,  or  parts  of  them,  have 
been  found  associated  with  flint  implements  of  Le  Moustier  design,  and  none  have  as 
yet  turned  up  under  conditions  which  make  this  correlation  impossible.'^ 

A  considerable  number  of  skulls  and  skeletons,  about  two  dozen  in  all,  of 
Neanderthal  man  have  been  found,  the  great  majority  in  Celtic  lands  ;  but,  though  there 
is  a  general  resemblance  between  all  the  members  of  the  series,  sufficiently  strong  to 
mark  them  off  from  the  Piltdown  skull  on  the  one  hand  and  from  modem  men  on  the 
other,  the  type  is  in  many  respects  very  variable.    There  are  vast  differences  observable 


8  Osborn  (1921)  585,  6. 

9  Obermaier  (1906-7). 

"  Burkitt  (1921)  1.  95-97  ;    Macalister  {1921)  1.  215-218,  255-259,  585-590. 

"  Obermaier  (1906-7)  ;    Burkitt  (1921)  1.  47  ;    Macalister  (1921)  1.  584,  where  other  authorities  are  cited. 

'•  Vid,  infr.  p.  6. 

>3  Macalister  (1921)  1.  285-314,  where  all  authorities  are  fully  cited  ;    Keith  (1915)  118. 


THE  FIRST  INHABITANTS  OF  CELTIC  LANDS  21 

between  the  skull  from  Chapelle-aux-Saints,'*  the  highest  form  yet  discovered,  and 
that  of  the  Gibraltar  man/'  or  rather  woman,  which  is  the  most  primitive  yet  found  in 
Europe.  As  far  as  one  can  judge  from  the  descriptions  which  have  appeared  as  I  write, 
the  skull  recently  found  at  Broken  Hill  in  Rhodesia  differs  from  that  of  Gibraltar  hardly 
if  at  aU  more  than  the  Gibraltar  skull  differs  from  that  found  at  Chapelle-aux-Saints. 
In  the  latter  case  there  are  several  intermediate  forms,  in  the  former  such  may  yet  turn 
up,  for  Africa  has,  as  yet,  produced  but  one  other  skull  of  this  type,  that  found  not 
long  ago  near  Constantine  in  Algeria,  no  description  of  which  has,  I  beUeve,  yet  been 
pubHshed. 

Skulls  of  this  type  have  been  so  frequently  described,'*  individually  and  collectively, 
that  it  is  unnecessary  to  give  another  detailed  account.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  say  that 
they  are  large  and  massive,  the  vault  is  low,  and  they  are  specially  distinguished  by 
having  over  the  eye  sockets  a  heavy  and  continuous  projecting  ridge,  known  as  a  torus, 
which  is  one  of  the  distinguishing  features  of  the  large  anthropoid  apes.  Another  point 
of  importance  is  that  the  head  was  so  attached  to  the  body  that  it  could  not  have  been 
held  absolutely  erect,  and  must  have  produced  a  slouching  gait,  though  the  degree  of 
this  slope  varied  considerably  in  different  specimens,  and  in  the  case  of  the  Rhodesian 
skull  was  quite  halfway  between  the  slope  of  the  Gibraltar  skull  and  that  of  the 
gorilla." 

But  it  is  unnecessary  for  our  purpose  to  pursue  this  question  further,  for  with 
the  arrival  of  modern  man,  after  the  last  glaciation  was  past.  Neanderthal  man  dis- 
appeared. That  the  two  races  met,  though  not  necessarily  in  this  continent,  seems 
clear  from  the  fact  that  at  Audi,  near  Les  Eyzies,  in  the  Dordogne,  we  find  a  culture, 
which  in  some  respects  resembles  that  of  Le  Moustier,  and  in  others  the  succeeding  culture 
of  AurignaC*  That  these  two  races  interbred  is  unlikely,  for  Neanderthal  man  must 
have  appeared  an  unsightly  beast  to  his  modem  successor.  In  any  case,  if  mating  did 
take  place,  the  union  must  have  been  sterile,  for,  in  spite  of  much  that  has  been  written  to 

M  Macalister  (1921)  1.  298-301  ;    who  cites  Boule  (1911-13). 

■5  Keith  (1915)  1.  122-124,  156. 

««  Keith  {1915)  1.  102-136 ;    Macalister  (1921)  1.  285-314. 

•7  Smith  (1922)  464,  465  ;    but  a  different  view  is  held  by  Woodward  (1922)  579. 

'»  Burkitt  (192T)  1.  72,  92.  97,  98. 


22  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

the  contrary,"  there  is  no  clear  evidence  of  the  survival  of  any  distinctive  Neanderthal 
traits  in  the  men  of  later  days.'° 

The  second  maximum  of  the  Wiirm  glaciation  seems  to  have  culminated  about 
15,000  B.C.,"  and  about  that  time,  or  conceivably  earlier,  modem  man  first  arrived 
in  North  Africa,  if  we  may  judge  by  the  appearance  of  a  fresh  type  of  flint  industry, 
known  usually  as  Capsian."  Whence  he  came  is  uncertain.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  he  may  have  reached  the  north  from  tropical  Africa,'^  but  no  evidence  has  been 
adduced  in  support  of  this  h57pothesis.  It  seems  more  hkely  that  he  came  from  Asia, 
probably  by  means  of  the  Sinaitic  peninsula,  or  possibly  across  the  Straits  of  Bab-el- 
Mandeb.  This  much  is  certain  ;  about  this  time  the  Capsian  culture  is  found  extending 
along  the  north  of  the  continent,  from  Egypt  as  far  west  at  any  rate  as  Algeria,  and 
perhaps  beyond,  though  at  no  point  but  one  is  it  found  far  from  the  Mediterranean 
coast.'*  The  one  exception  is  in  Egypt,  where  implements  of  this  type  have  been  found 
as  far  south  as  Luxor,*'  so  that  we  may  be  satisfied  that  modern  man  in  his  earUest 
movements  passed  up  the  Nile  valley  at  least  as  far  as  the  First  Cataract.  It  would 
seem  probable  that  in  Egypt  the  invaders  came  into  touch  with  their  Neanderthal 
predecessors,  who  retreated  before  them  up  the  Nile  valley  towards  Luxor,  where  Dr. 
SeUgman  has  found  implements  of  Le  Moustier  type  more  developed  than  any  discovered 
elsewhere'* ;  it  is  possible  that  some  retreated  further  south  and  may  even  have  reached 
Rhodesia. 

Other  of  these  Neanderthal  refugees  seem  to  have  gone  westward,  and  perhaps 
passed  up  the  Italian  land-bridge  to  western  Europe  ;  if  so  it  was  probably  these,  who 
had  come  into  contact  with  the  Capsian  culture  of  North  Africa,  who  were  responsible 
for  the  Audi  industry.    They  were  followed  before  long  by  the  invaders,  and  in  Celtic 

■9  Macalister  (1921)  1.  581,  who  cites  Hrdlicka. 

»  Macalister  (1921)  1.  313  ;    Keith  (1915)  1.  135. 

«'  Vid.  Appendix  I. 

*»  From  Capsa,  the  old  name  for  Gafra  in  Tunisia  ;  Morgan,  etc.  (1910-1). 

•3  Macalister  (1921)  1.  576-580. 

«♦  Burkitt  (1921)  1.  95,  106. 

»5  Seligman  (1921). 

»*  Seligman  (1921)  128. 


THE  FIRST  INHABITANTS  OF  CELTIC  LANDS  23 

lands  at  least  were  soon  exterminated,  though  it  is  just  possible  that  they  survived  to 
a  later  date  further  east.'^ 

The  culture  of  the  newcomers  is  known  as  that  of  Aurignac,  and  seems  to  have 
started  in  Europe  about  12,500  B.C.  A  great  many  skeletons  of  this  period  have  been 
discovered  and  described,  and  though  all  of  these  show  us  men  very  hke  those  of  the 
present  day,  there  is  a  considerable  range  of  variation  among  them.'*  The  skulls  of 
the  upper  palaeolithic  periods,  apart  from  the  Chancelade  skull''  to  be  discussed  later, 
may  be  divided  into  three  marked  groups,  though  it  is  well  to  remember  that  there  is 
no  strict  uniformity  among  aU  the  members  of  each  group.  AU  the  skulls  of  this  period, 
however,  are  long,  for  the  broad-headed  type,  so  prevalent  in  Central  Europe  to-day,  did 
not  arrive  until  the  closing  phase. 

Of  the  first  of  these  three  groups  we  have  only  two  examples,  the  mother  and  son 
from  the  Grotte  des  Enfants,  near  Mentone.^"  But  as  these  are  the  earliest  in  date,  and 
differ  in  some  respects  very  markedly  from  the  remainder,  they  have  been  distinguished 
by  the  name  of  the  Grimaldi  race,  after  the  owner  of  the  cave,  the  Prince  of  Monaco. 

This  type  was  small,  being  less  than  5  ft.  3  in.  in  height,  the  skulls  were  of  the 
long  variety,  having  length-breadth  indices  of  68.5  and  69.2,  and  the  jaws  and  teeth 
project,  so  that  they  exhibit  a  character  known  as  prognathism.  This  latter  character 
has  caused  the  race  to  be  termed  negroid,  and  unjustifiable  deductions  have  been  drawn 
from  this  term.  It  has  been  shown,  however,  that  there  is  no  reason  for  supposing  any 
affinity  between  this  type  and  the  negro  race  of  tropical  Africa.^'  Both  of  these  skeletons 
were  found  in  a  contracted  position,  and  that  of  the  boy  was  covered  with  red  ochre.^* 

Our  second  group  is  the  Cromagnon,  and  is  based  largely  on  the  skeletons  found 
in  the  cave  of  Cromagnon,  near  Les  Eyzies.  By  many  anthropologists  this  term  is 
used  to  cover  all  the  skeletons  from  this  period  except  those  of  the  Grimaldi  type,  but 
more  recently  it  has  been  shown  that  all  these  remains  cannot  conveniently  be  placed 
in  one  group,  for  the  distinguishing  characters  are  but  faintly  visible  in  some  and  totally 
absent  from  a  large  number."    The  term  is  now  becoming  used  in  a  more  restricted  sense. 

«7  Macalister  (1921)  1.  581.  31  Keith  (1915)  1.  66. 

«8  Fleure  (1920).  3a  Keith  (1915)  1.  65. 

»9  Testut  (1889).  33  Fleure  (1920). 
30  Keith  {1915)  1.  62-68. 


24  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

The  Cromagnon  t57pe  is  tall.  The  men  were  often  5  ft.  10  in.  or  5  ft.  11  in.  high, 
though  the  women  were  frequently  much  shorter.  Their  heads  were  large,  larger 
than  the  average  in  Europe  to-day,  but  not  very  high  ;  they  were  long  as  compared  with 
their  breadth,  having  a  cranial  index  of  about  74 ;  their  noses  were  narrow,  but  their 
faces  were  short  and  relatively  broad.  This  combination  of  a  long  head  and  a  short 
face  is  unusual,  and  is  called  disharmonic,  and  this  disharmony  is  one  of  the  most 
striking  characteristics  of  Cromagnon  man.^* 

It  is  often  thought  that  this  disharmonic  trait,  the  long  head  and  the  short  face, 
is  evidence  of  the  mixed  ancestry  of  the  race  which  exhibits  it,"  and  if  this  were  the  case 
we  might  expect  Cromagnon  man  to  be  the  result  of  a  crossing  of  two  other  races.  There 
is  no  other  evidence  to  indicate  that  this  was  the  case,  and  if  such  crossing  had 
occurred,  it  seems  likely  that  it  took  place  before  the  Cromagnon  typ>e  reached  Europe. 

It  seems  probable  that  it  is  to  the  men  of  the  Cromagnon  type  that  we  must 
attribute  the  beginnings  of  that  art,  which  reached  its  finest  development  in  a  later  age, 
and  has  provided  the  most  conspicuous  as  well  as  the  most  pleasing  feature  of  the  upper 
palaeolithic  culture.^* 

Lastly  we  have  the  t3^e  represented  by  Briinn  I.,Briix,  Lautsch,  Combe  Capelle, 
Barma  Grande  (one  of  the  skulls  from  B.G.  now  in  the  Mus^e  de  Menton,  but  not  the 
skulls  generally  known  as  B.G.  i  and  2),  the  woman  from  the  upper  layer  in  the  Grotte 
des  Enfants,  the  Calotte  du  gravier  de  fond  at  Grenelle,  the  Denise  fragments,  as  well  as 
by  one  or  two  skulls  of  the  transition  period  from  palaeoUthic  to  neolithic  found  at  Ofnet 
(No.  21,  i.)  and  a  few  of  those  belonging  to  the  same  period  found  at  Mugem.  The  type 
is  usually  high-headed  as  well  as  narrow-headed,  and  tends  to  have  the  orbits  horizontally 
lengthened,  the  glabella  and  supraciliaries  strong,  the  fore-head  retreating,  the  nose 

broad  and  the  upper  jaw  projecting  (alveolar  prognathism).    The  cephalic  index  is 
usually  between  68  and  72  ;    the  stature  is  moderate  or  low.'' 

Thus  we  find  during  the  period  of  Aurignac  three  groups  of  long-headed  men,  the 
Grimaldi,  Cromagnon  and  Combe  Capelle,  and,  especially  on  the  Riviera,  in  the  Barma 
Grande  cave  and  the  Grotte  des  Enfants,  skulls  which  show  various  apparent  combinations 
of  these  types,  while  at  Solutr6  and  Laugerie  Basse  we  find  the  last  type  showing 

34  Ripley  (1900)  39,  173.  3^  Parkyn  (1915)  ;   Burkitt  (1921)  1.  192-273. 

35  Ripley  (1900)  39.  40.  37  Fleure  (1920)  19-21. 


THE  FIRST  INHABITANTS  OF  CELTIC  LANDS  25 

modifications  to  some  extent  towards  the  characteristics  of  modem  men.  These  types 
and  intermixed  types  occupied  west  and  central  Europe,  so  far  as  it  was  habitable  during 
the  later  palaeolithic  periods,  and  the  combinations  of  Combe  Capelle  and  Cromagnon 
characters  in  the  skulls  of  Obercassel  (Magdalenian  period)  is  noteworthy.  The  earhest 
in  point  of  time  is  the  Grimaldi,  which  has  been  found  only  near  Mentone,  and  there 
are  reasons  for  believing  that  its  distribution  lay  around  the  western  Mediterranean, 
then  an  inland  sea.  This  view  is  supported  by  the  fact  that  marked  alveolar  prognathism 
has  been  noted  among  the  natives  of  Algeria  and  Morocco,  and  I  am  told  that  it  is  not 
uncommonly  met  with  in  Spain  ;  it  is  also  very  marked  in  Portugal,  though  here  it 
has  been  attributed  to  a  different  cause.  It  is,  however,  of  old  standing  in  that  country, 
as  it  has  been  noted  among  the  skulls  from  Mugem,'*  which  are  beheved  to  date  from 
the  close  of  the  palaeolithic  age.  A  similar  feature  has  been  noted  in  some  of  the  skulls 
from  the  Algerian  dolmens. ^^ 

To  the  Cromagnon  type,  pure,  it  is  difficult  to  ascribe  any  other  skulls  besides  those 
from  Cromagnon,  and  those  from  Lafaye  Bruniquel,  but  some  of  the  Cromagnon 
characters  are  well  shown  in  some  Barma  Grande  skulls.  The  type  is  said  to  survive 
in  the  Dordogne  and  perhaps  near  the  western  Pyrenees  in  North  Spain  at  the  present 
day.''"  The  Combe  Capelle  or  Briinn  type,  is  seen  to  have  occurred  on  the  whole  more 
to  the  north  and  east,  and  seems  rather  to  focus  in  Central  Europe  and  the  southern  part 
of  the  North  German  plain.  It  was  probably  the  latest  to  arrive  on  the  scene,  for  it 
is  associated  only  with  remains  of  late  Aurignac  type,  and  has  been  more  frequently 
found  in  the  succeeding  Solutre  period. 

Thus  we  see  that  by  the  close  of  the  period  of  Aurignac,  about  11,000  B.C.,  we  have 
three  groups  of  long-headed  men  in  Celtic  lands,  and  that,  though  they  overlap,  they 
are  tending  to  obtain  for  themselves  definite  areas  of  distribution. 

During  the  closing  years  of  the  Aurignacian  period  the  cUmate  had  been  getting 
milder  and  perhaps  drier,  and  steppe  conditions  prevailed  over  much  of  France  and  stiU 
more  further  east.  Herds  of  horses  arrived  and  were  hunted  for  food  and  the  saiga, 
a  kind  of  antelope,  was  found  as  far  south  as  the  Dordogne,  if  not  beyond,  during  the 

38  CorrSa  {1919)  121, 122. 

39  Bourguignat  (1868)  43,  48,  49,  PI.  vii.,  viii. 

40  Ripley  (1900)  163-179. 


26  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

succeeding  Solutrean  period.  These  Steppe  conditions  are  more  characteristic  of  the 
latter  period/'  when  France  was  invaded  by  a  new  people,  not  given,  as  far  as  we  know, 
to  artistic  efforts,  but  who  were  able  to  fashion  very  skilfully  made  weapons  of  flint  to  aid 
them  in  chasing  the  beasts  of  the  steppe/'  The  fact  that  skulls  of  our  third  group  the 
Combe  Capelle,  are  more  common  during  this  period  and  have  only  been  found  during  the 
later  phases  of  the  previous  age,  when,  as  we  have  seen,  steppe  conditions  were  already 
approaching,  leads  us  to  suspect  that  it  is  to  this  type  of  man  that  we  must  attribute 
the  invasion  of  Celtic  lands  which  took  place  at  this  time.  The  Cromagnon  men  seem  to 
have  retreated  to  the  south-west  and  to  have  taken  refuge  in  the  fastnesses  of  the 
P57renees,"  while  the  invading  hunters  dominated  the  southern  part,  at  least,  of  the 
Celtic  lands. 

But  towards  9,500  B.C.  the  climate  began  again  to  deteriorate,  and  the  steppe 
conditions  passed  gradually  to  those  of  tundra.  The  steppe  animals  retreated  to  the 
east,  towards  South  Russia  and  Turkestan,  and  most  of  the  men  of  Solutre,  who  hunted 
them  for  food,  seem  to  have  followed  in  their  wake.  It  seems  doubtful  whether  the 
Solutrean  invasion  reached  Britain,  though  implements  of  this  type  are  said  to  have 
been  found  here,**  and  Proto-Solutrean  stations  are  reported  as  occurring  in  England.*' 
It  has  been  claimed  recently  that  this  type  reached  the  south  of  Sweden,**  but  this  view 
is  not  generally  accepted  in  that  coimtry.*^ 

On  the  departure  of  the  Solutrean  invaders  the  remnant  of  the  aborigines,  who 
had  fled  to  the  mountains  in  the  south-west,  and  there  developed  their  art  to  a  much 
greater  pitch  of  perfection,  now  returned  to  France,  and  once  again,  as  the  men  of  La 
Madeleine,  became  the  dominant  race  in  Celtic  lands.  It  seems  possible  that  some  of  their 
comrades  had  fled  north  to  Britain  on  the  arrival  of  the  men  of  Solutr^,  and  had  survived 
there  throughout  this  period,  for,  though  no  industry  has  been  found  in  the  British 

41  ThusBurkitt  (1921)  1.  42,  127,  but  Macalister  (1921)  1.  373,  376,  582,  states  that  the  steppe  conditions  had  passed 
before  the  beginning  of  the  Solutrean  period. 

4»  Burkitt  (1921)  1.  130-133. 

43  Burkitt  {1921)  1.  132,  135. 

44  Burkitt  (1921)  1;  129;   Macalister  (192 1 )  1.434. 
43  Burkitt  (1921)  1.  129. 

4*  Montelius  (1921). 
♦'  Nordmann  (1922). 


THE  FIRST  INHABITANTS  OF  CELTIC  LANDS 


27 


Isles  which  can  accurately  be  described  as  that  of  La  Madeleine/^  in  the  strict  French 
meaning  of  that  term,  we  do  find  traces  of  the  culture  of  Aurignac,  persisting  perhaps 
until  still  later  times. 

It  must  not  be  thought,  however,  that  the  Combe  Capelle  race  never  reached 
these  isles.  Whether  the  culture  of  Solutre  did  so  or  not  seems  uncertain,  but  some  of 
the  skeletons  which  have  been  found  here  have  been  classed  with  the  Combe  Capelle 
group."'  But,  as  we  have  seen,  this  race  was  present  in  France,  at  any  rate  in  some  parts 
of  that  country,  for  some  little  time  before  the  arrival  of  the  men  with  the  culture  of 
Solutre. 

The  colder  climate  of  the  Magdalenian  period  has  been  shown  to  coincide  with 
the  Biihl  advance  of  the  Alpine  glaciers,'"  which  reached  its  maximum  about  7,500  to 
7,000  B.C.  After  that  the  climate  slowly  improved,  though  the  precipitation  increased, 
and  forests  sprang  up  on  the  hitherto  open  lands.  As  the  tundra  conditions  in  Celtic 
lands  gave  way  to  forest,  the  reindeer  migrated  to  the  north  and  north-east,  while  their 
place  was  taken  by  the  red  deer.  As  the  forests  developed  it  became  increasingly  difficult 
for  men  to  traverse  great  distances  or  to  intermingle  as  freely  as  they  had  done  before. 
There  was  a  tendency  for  separate  groups  to  develop  in  different  regions  ;  so  that,  when 
we  arrive  at  the  next  period,  the  Azihan,  we  find  very  different  types  of  people  in  various 
parts  of  Europe. 

Even  before  the  close  of  the  Magdalenian  period  a  fresh  type  had  arrived,  apparently 
from  the  north,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  skeleton  found  at  Chancelade  in  the  Dordogne. 
This  skeleton  bears  a  close  resemblance  to  those  of  the  modern  Eskimos,^'  and  since 
the  latter  have  retained  a  type  of  art  reminiscent  of  certain  phases  of  Magdalenian 
culture,"  we  may  suspect  that  Chancelade  men,  following  the  departing  reindeer,  passed 
north-eastward  to  the  tundra  of  Siberia. 

It  was  between  7,000  and  6,500  B.C.  that  a  fresh  wave  of  Capsian  people  from  North 
Africa  began  to  invade  Spain,"  into  which  peninsula  they  introduced  what  is  known  as 
East  Spanish  Art.'"    By  degrees  they  pressed  the  Magdalenian   Cromagnons  to  the 


*8  Burkitt  (1921)  1.  232. 

«  Fleure  {1920)  21-25. 

50  Burkitt  (1921)  1.  43. 

31  Testut  (1889)  ;  Clark  (1920)  288-291. 


5»  SoUas  (191 1)  348-350,  where  all  authorities  are  cited. 

53  Osborn  (1918)  516-518. 

54  Burkitt  (1921)  1.  273-285. 


28 


THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 


Pyrenees,  where  their  culture  declined  to  that  which  we  know  as  Azilian."  The  invaders 
passed  on  through  Celtic  lands,  bringing  with  them  a  new  culture,  known  as  Tardenoisian,** 
and  seem  to  have  reached  the  British  Isles  before  5000  B.C. 

These  people  seem  to  have  been  another  variety  of  the  same  long-headed  race,  which 
had  developed  into  a  distinct  type  in  North  Africa,  and  had  there,  perhaps,  mingled  to  a 
greater  or  lesser  degree  with  the  descendants  of  the  Grimaldi  men,  whom  we  met  with 
at  the  beginning  of  the  period  of  Aurignac.  If  we  may  judge  by  those  who  seem  to  be 
their  descendants,  they  were  of  rather  short,  slight  build,  with  long  narrow  heads,  brown 
skin,  dark  hair  and  eyes,  the  t57pe  which  to-day  is  known  as  the  Mediterranean  race." 
It  is  possible  that  the  Grimaldi  elements  in  their  composition,  and  which  are  sometimes 
found  comparatively  pure,  may  account  for  that  small  dark  type,  often  showing  marked 
alveolar  prognathism,  which  has  been  found  in  certain  out  of  the  way  regions,  such  as 
Apulia  and  Sardinia,  and  which  are  known  to  some  anthropologists  as  lapygian,'*  and 
have  been  termed  Ethiopic  by  Ruggeri.'' 

This  new  population  seems  to  have  been  peaceably  inclined  and  made  no  attempt 
to  exterminate  its  predecessors,  but  settled  down  in  the  lower  lands  and  by  the  sea  shore, 
while  the  Cromagnon  men  remained  in  the  mountain  zones  of  the  Pyrenees  and  the 
Dordogne,  and  the  Combe  Capelle  type  survived  in  Central  Europe  and  among  the  hills 
of  Wales.  It  seems  almost  certain  that  the  newcomers  were  still  hunters,  quite  ignorant 
of  agriculture  and  the  domestication  of  animals  ;  as  some  of  their  settlements  have 
been  found  by  the  sea  shore  and  on  the  banks  of  streams,  it  seems  Ukely  that  they  lived 
to  a  considerable  extent  on  fish  and  molluscs. 

It  would  appear,  then,  that  the  type  which  we  know  as  the  Mediterranean  race, 
and  which  has  given  to  Wales,  Scotland  and  Ireland  the  majority  of  their  small  brunette 
inhabitants,  is  made  up  of  the  descendants  of  all  the  types  of  long-headed  men — except 
the  Chancelade  variety — which  we  meet  with  in  the  Celtic  lands  of  western  Europe  during 
the  upper  palaeolithic  period.  That  the  Combe  Capelle  type  survives  on  the  moorlands 
of  Plynlimmon  has  been  shown  by  Fleure :  examples  of  an  africanoid  type  with  alveolar 
prognathism  are  not  uncommon  in  Wales  and  in  the  poorer  quarters  of  our  big  cities. 


35  Macalister  (1921)  1.  525. 

56  Macalister  (1921)  1.  537,  538. 

57  Sergi  (1901). 


3«  Brace  (1863)  65,  66 ;  Keane  (1908)  360. 
59  Giuflrida-Ruggeri  (1921)- 


THE  FIRST  INHABITANTS  OF  CELTIC  LANDS  ig 

and  the  Cromagnon  type  only  seems  to  be  missing  or  at  any  rate  relatively  scarce.  The 
main  element,  however,  which  has  gone  to  make  up  the  Mediterranean  race  as  we  now 
know  it,  seems  to  be  that  which  entered  Europe  through  Spain,  with  Capsian  culture, 
during  the  closing  years  of  the  Magdalenian  period. 

These  people  have  left  in  the  west,  not  only  considerable  vestiges  of  their  blood,  but 
no  small  amount  of  their  language,  or  to  state  the  matter  more  accurately  the  language 
of  these  people  has  left  a  marked  effect  upon  the  tongues  which  succeeded  it  in  the  west. 
More  than  twenty  years  ago  Mr.,  now  Sir  John  Morris  Jones'^"  pointed  out  that  "  the 
syntax  of  Welsh  and  Irish  differs  in  some  important  respects  from  that  of  the  languages 
belonging  to  the  other  branches  of  the  Aryan  family,"  and  suggested  that  these  points, 
in  which  too  the  neo-celtic  tongues  differed  from  ancient  Gaulish,  were  due  to  the 
influence  of  a  language  which  had  been  spoken  in  these  lands  before  the  introduction  of 
the  Celtic  tongue.  He  pointed  out  that  many  of  these  peculiarities,  which  occur  also 
sometimes  when  the  English  tongue  is  spoken  by  Irishmen,  were  similar  to  the 
syntactical  arrangements  in  force  in  the  language  of  ancient  Egypt  and  among  the  Berber 
dialects  spoken  by  the  natives  of  Algeria,  the  Kabyles,  Shawiya  and  Tuaregs. 

Now  the  Egyptians  and  other  peoples  of  North  Africa  are  considered  by  all 
anthropologists  as  typical  members  of  the  Mediterranean  race,  though  the  inhabitants 
of  the  western  part  seem,  as  we  have  seen,  to  have  incorporated  no  small  amount  of 
Grimaldi  blood;  it  would  seem  then  that  we  may  accept  the  suggestion  of  Sir  John 
Morris  Jones  that  the  syntax  of  Welsh  and  Irish  is  a  legacy  from  the  language  spoken 
by  these  Mediterranean  invaders,  who  reached  Spain  about  7000  B.C.  and  formed 
the  bulk  of  the  population  of  the  British  Isles  about  5000  B.C. 

So  far  we  have  been  deaUng  with  the  early  inhabitants  of  the  Celtic  lands  of  the 
west,  but  a  word  must  be  said  of  some  fresh  arrivals  into  the  Celtic  cradle  in  Central 
Europe.  It  was  during  the  Azihan  period,  about  6000  B.C.,  that  a  new  race  appeared 
in  Central  Europe,  coming  from  the  east.  Of  their  earlier  abode  we  know  nothing 
positively,  but  there  are  reasons  for  inferring  that  their  line  of  approach  was  by  the 
Kopet  Dagh  and  the  Armenian  highlands,  and  that  they  came  ultimately  from  the 
slopes  of  the  Hindu  Kush  and  the  western  side  of  the  Himalayan  massif.     This  race, 

*>  Jones,  Morris  {1900). 


30  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

which  is  called  the  race  of  Of  net,  from  the  skulls  found  in  the  caves  of  Of  net,  in 
Bavaria,  had  a  broad  head,  the  outline  of  which  as  viewed  from  above  consisted  of 
two  segments  of  circles,  the  one  forming  the  back  of  the  head,  the  other  the  front. 
The  brow-ridges  are  sUght,  the  nose  short  and  straight,  the  eye-sockets  low  and  almost 
rectangular,  the  cheek-bones  not  very  prominent  and  the  chin  weak  and  undeveloped." 
This  race  seems  to  have  met  and  mated  with  the  remnants  of  the  Combe  Capelle  race 
in  the  Upper  Danube  basin,  and  the  progeny  of  this  imion  seems  to  have  been  a  tjqje 
with  a  pear-shaped  head  as  seen  from  above,  with  a  rounded  back,  indistinguishable 
from  the  type  found  later  in  the  Swiss  lake-dwellings  and  in  the  moimtains  of  Central 
Europe  at  the  present  day,  and  which  is  known  as  the  Alpine  race.** 

The  Ofnet  race  seems  to  have  spread  westward  into  the  Celtic  lands,  either  at 
this  time  or  perhaps  later,  though  probably  in  small  numbers,  for  a  skull  found  at 
Crenelle,  near  Paris,  under  what  are  beheved  to  be  neolithic  surroundings,  belongs  to 
this  type.*'  Other  broad-headed  skulls  of  this  or  the  Alpine  t5^e,  dating  from  about 
5000  B.C.,  or  a  Uttle  earlier,  have  been  foimd  at  Mugem  on  the  banks  of  the  Tagus,** 
while  others  of  this  type  of  about  the  same  date  have  been  found  in  the  caves  of 
Furfooz  in  Belgium.*' 

Whether  any  of  this  broad-headed  Asiatic  strain  reached  the  British  Isles  at 
so  early  a  date  is  uncertain.  No  skulls  of  this  type  and  date  have  been  discovered, 
but  broad-headed  types  occur  sporadically  in  Wales,  Ireland  and  the  western  islands 
of  Scotland,  which  may  conceivably  represent  descendants  of  early  Ofnet  or  Alpine 
immigrants. 

Somewhat  later,  before  4000  B.C.,  fresh  waves  of  broad-headed  immigrants 
seem  to  have  arrived  in  Central  Europe  from  the  Armenian  highlands  or  the  Anatohan 
plateau,  bringing  with  them  the  knowledge  of  grain,  cultivated  fruits  and  domestic 
animals,  and  the  custom  of  erecting  pile-dwellings  in  marshes  or  lakes,  and  of  grinding 
and  polishing  axes  of  flint  or  other  hard  stone."  Such  knowledge  seems  to  have 
reached  even  the  west  of  Switzerland  by  4000  B.C.  and  to  have  spread  later  throughout 
the  massif  central  of  France,  which  was  already  peopled  by  men  of  the  Alpine   type. 

««  Macalister  (1921)  1.  541,  542.  «♦  Corrta  (1919)  "S- 

'•  Macalister  (1921)1.  542.  «5  Osborn  (1918)  481-483. 

*3  Macalister  (1921)  1.  542.  «•  Peake(i922)  1.  64. 65. 


THE  FIRST  INHABITANTS  OF  CELTIC  LANDS  31 

But  the  art  of  polishing  hard  stone  spread  further  than  the  people  who  were 
responsible  for  its  introduction,  and  during  the  next  few  centuries  this  art  had  become 
well  known  throughout  the  Celtic  lands  of  the  west ;  the  need  for  more  efficient  tools 
to  fight  the  encroaching  woodland  must  have  encouraged  this  art.  How  far  the 
elements  of  agriculture  had  travelled  with  the  art  of  grinding  axes  seems  uncertain, 
for  few,  if  any,  unquestionable  neolithic  dwelling  sites  of  this  time  within  this  area 
have  been  found  or  thoroughly  explored.  The  scanty  evidence  at  our  disposal  seems 
to  show,  however,  that  the  people  of  the  west  were  possessed  of  some  domesticated 
animals,  so  that  the  inhabitants  of  Celtic  lands  had  passed  from  a  purely  himting 
stage  before  3,000  B.C. 

There  is  one  other  culture,  introduced  into  Europe  perhaps  by  another  race, 
which  I  must  not  omit  to  mention,  as  it  may  have  provided  another  element,  albeit 
a  small  one,  in  the  early  population  of  Celtic  lands.  At  Mullerup,  in  the  peat  moss 
of  Maglemose,  in  the  west  of  the  island  of  Zealand,  there  was  found  in  1900  an 
important  dwelUng  site  with  a  very  distinct  culture,  including  harpoons  and  other 
implements  of  horn  and  bone,  which  is  known  to  Scandinavian  archaeologists  as  the 
Mullerup,  but  to  English-speaking  students  as  the  Maglemose  culture.*'  More 
recently,  in  1917,  another  settlement,  exhibiting  what  appears  to  be  the  same  culture, 
was  discovered  at  Svaerdborg,  in  the  south  of  the  same  island.** 

No  skulls  or  skeletons  have  been  found  associated  with  this  culture,  and  there 
has  been  much  speculation  as  to  the  race  which  was  responsible  for  it.  Owing  to  the 
presence  of  harpoons  it  was  first  assumed  that  this  cultiure  was  a  direct  derivation 
from  the  Azihan  and  Magdalenian,  though  it  has  been  pointed  out  that  the  Maglemose 
harpoons  are  very  different  in  form  from  the  Azihan,  and  resemble  more  nearly  some 
found  in  eastern  Russia. **  Still  the  majority  of  authorities  treat  this  culture  as  of 
Azihan  origin.  Others,  relying  largely  on  the  resemblances  of  certain  elements  of 
culture  to  those  found  at  some  very  late  Aurignacian  sites  in  South  Poland,  beHeve 
the  people  and  the  culture  to  have  arrived  from  that  region.'"  Recently  I  have 
suggested  another  explanation.''     Noticing  the  resemblance  between  the  Maglemose 

^  Osbom  (1918),  487,  488.  70  Burkitt  (1921)  1.  156. 

*8  Johansen  (1918-19).  71  Peake(i9i9). 

*9  Burkitt  (1921)  1.  155. 


32  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

culture  and  a  slightly  later  civilisation  known  as  East  Scandinavian  or  Arctic,  which 
has  been  found  at  several  sites  associated  with  skulls  of  Mongoloid  type,  I  have 
suggested  that  in  the  Maglemose  people  we  may  perhaps  see  the  first  arrival  in  Europe 
of  that  Mongoloid  race,  which  now  peoples  a  large  part  of  the  north-east  of  the 
continent.  My  suggestion  has  not  been  well  received  in  Scandinavian  circles,  and 
M.  Nordmann  has  submitted  it  to  very  searching  though  courteous  criticism.'* 
While  duly  appreciating  the  value  of  all  the  evidence  he  has  cited,  I  am  still  of  opinion 
that  my  view,  though  far  from  proved,  meets  the  existing  evidence  as  well  as,  if  not 
better  than,  its  rivals. 

The  importance  of  the  Maglemose  problem  for  our  purpose  Ues  in  the  fact  that 
certain  sites  in  the  British  Isles  have  produced  an  industry  which  has  been  claimed, 
and  perhaps  rightly,  to  be  akin  to  that  of  Mullerup  amd  Svaerdborg.  Certain 
discoveries  in  the  caves  at  Oban  and  on  a  raised  beach  on  the  island  of  Oronsay,  are 
claimed  to  be  of  this  or  of  Azilian  culture,"  while  other  finds  at  Holdemess  are  said 
to  resemble  more  closely  still  the  Maglemose  culture.'*  More  recently  stiU  Mr.  O.  G.  S. 
Crawford  has  suggested  that  certain  implements,  which  he  and  I  discovered  last  year 
at  an  early  occupation  site  on  the  Newbury  Sewage  outfall  works  at  Thatcham,  Berks., 
bear  close  resemblances  to  some  found  at  Svaerdborg." 

It  is  too  soon  yet  to  appraise  the  value  of  these  resemblances.  Some  of  these 
sites,  notably  those  at  Oronsay  and  Thatcham,  appear  on  some  grounds  to  be  somewhat 
later  than  the  settlements  at  MuUerup  and  Svaerdborg.  This  does  not,  of  course, 
disprove  their  cultural  connection.  It  is  unwise,  at  present,  to  draw  any  positive 
conclusions  from  such  evidence,  but  we  may  note  that  it  is  possible  that  during  late 
AziUan  times,  or  perhaps  later  still,  fresh  elements  entered  the  British  Isles  from  the 
Baltic  region,  and  that  it  is  at  least  possible  that  these  elements  may  have  been  of 
the  Mongoloid  race. 

People  showing  slight  Mongoloid  traits  may  be  found  sporadically  throughout 
Wales,  though,  as  far  as  I  can  ascertain,  this  type  has  not  been  noted  as  prevalent 
in  any  particular  areas  ;  how  far  it  may  be  noted  in  the  west  of  Scotland  or  in  Ireland 
I  am  uncertain.     But  we  cannot  be  siure  that  the  introduction  of  this  Mongoloid  strain 

7«  Nordmann  (1922).  '♦  Burkitt  (1921)  1.  108,  155. 

73  Macalister  {1921)  1.  533-535.  "  Peake  &  Crawford  (1922). 


THE  FIRST  INHABITANTS  OF  CELTIC  LANDS  33 

dates  from  so  early  a  time,  as  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  type  may  have  been 
introduced  much  later  by  the  Vikings,  who  may  perhaps  sometimes  have  carried  Finns 
with  them  in  their  forays. 

Though  after  the  close  of  Azilian  times  the  culture  of  Celtic  lands  changed 
more  than  once  and  in  more  respects  than  one,  we  have  at  present  no  reason  for 
suspecting  the  introduction  of  fresh  racial  elements  before  the  beginning  of  the  Bronze 
Age.  The  origin  of  Campignian  culture,  which  seems  to  have  flourished  over  the 
northern  part  of  Celtic  lands,  in  one  form  or  another,  from  about  5000  to  3500  B.C.,  is 
still  a  matter  of  dispute,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  solution  of  the  problem  is 
likely  to  introduce  a  fresh  element  into  the  population  of  the  Celtic  lands. 

The  vast  mass  of  the  population  of  this  area  about  3000  B.C.  were  the  descendants 
of  the  long-headed  populations  of  Europe  and  North  Africa  in  the  upper  palaeolithic 
period.  In  some  parts  of  the  south  the  Cromagnon  type  may  have  persisted,  in  a  pure 
or  mixed  form,  as  did  the  Combe  Capelle  type  further  north,  while  a  modified  form 
of  the  Grimaldi  type  was  found  from  Portugal  to  Wales,  especially  in  fishing  villages. 
The  prevailing  type  seems  to  have  been  that  which  came  latest  from  Africa,  and 
which  most  truly  deserves  the  name  of  the  Mediterranean  race,  though  it  may  be  well 
to  realise  that  this  term,  as  commonly  used,  seems  to  include  all  the  varieties  before 
mentioned,  as  weU  as  a  modified  mixture  of  all  these  long-headed  types. 

In  Central  France,  and  to  a  less  extent  elsewhere,  the  Alpine  type  had 
penetrated,  though  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  had,  as  yet,  reached  the  British  Isles. 
And  we  must  realise  that  it  is  just  possible  that  some  Mongoloid  peoples,  from  the 
Baltic  and  ultimately  from  Siberia,  may  have  made  a  few  settlements  in  this  country, 
though  their  numbers  are  not  likely  to  have  been  great. ^* 

Such  then,  as  far  as  our  evidence  extends  at  present,  seems  to  have  been  the 
population  of  Celtic  lands  in  the  true  neolithic  age,  when  people  Uved  in  small, 
self-contained  communities,  and  outside  commodities  were  rarely  met  with,  and  then 
only  bartered  from  tribe  to  tribe.  As  we  shall  see,  the  next  thousand  years  or  so 
were  to  introduce  fresh  elements. 


76  Fleure  &  James  (1916)  114  ;  Beddoe  (1885)  8-13. 


Chapter  III 
EARLY  TRADE  WITH  CELTIC  LANDS 

UNTIL  the  close  of  the  stone  age  the  movements  of  people  had  been  by  means 
of  gradual  drifting.  During  the  palaeolithic  age,  when  the  population 
supported  itself  by  hunting,  the  people  wandered  over  considerable  areas  in  search 
of  game,  and  the  inhabitants  of  different  regions  frequently  met  and  mingled 
with  one  another.  As  the  forest  conditions  arose  during  the  close  of  the  Magdalenian 
period  these  wanderings  were  restricted  in  scope,  and  with  the  gradual  introduction  of 
domesticated  animals  and  the  practice  of  agriculture  during  the  neolithic  age,  more 
settled  communities  arose.  Thus  the  different  types  mixed  less  with  one  another, 
and  the  communities  became  more  speciaUsed,  both  in  type  and  culture,  as  their 
wanderings  diminished. 

A  new  method  of  intermixture  was,  however,  soon  to  arise,  as  the  practice  of 
commerce  developed.  It  is  possible  that  even  during  the  palaeolithic  age,  tribes  who 
lived  in  a  region  where  flint  or  other  suitable  material  was  abundant,  or  who  had 
become  skilled  in  the  fashioning  of  some  advanced  type  of  implement,  sometimes 
bartered  their  spare  products  for  other  commodities.  Such  operations,  if  they  did 
exist,  must  have  been  very  limited  in  extent,  and  confined  to  bartering  between 
neighbouring  tribes. 

During  the  neoUthic  age  this  simple  principle  of  exchange  continued,  though 
it  was  probably  more  frequent,  since  communities  had  a  narrower  range,  and  some 
must  have  been  living  in  regions  where  suitable  raw  material  was  scarce  or  non-existent. 
Some  well  favoured  regions  also  had  begun  to  develop  regular  commerce.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  island  of  Santorin,  the  ancient  Melos,  had  before  metal  was  known 
organised  an  export  trade  in  obsidian  goods,  for  they  held  a  monopoly  of  that  excellent 
volcanic  glass  in  the  ^Egean  region'.      It  seems  Ukely,  too,  that  the  people  of  the  Lipari 

«  Bosanquet  (1904)  216-233. 

84 


EARLY  TRADE  WITH  CELTIC  LANDS  35 

islands  traded  in  the  same  material  with  south  Italy,  Sicily  and  Malta.'  Some  of  the 
natives  of  the  French  department  of  Indre-et-Loire,  finding  themselves  possessed  of 
great  quantities  of  beautiful  honey-coloured  flint  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Le  Grand- 
Pressigny,  exported  implements,  both  finished  and  in  the  rough,  to  many  distant 
places  in  France,'  and  the  same  is  probably  true  of  the  dwellers  on  Pen-maen-mawr, 
if  we  may  judge  from  the  extensive  remains  of  their  industry  recently  discovered  at 
Graig  Llwyd/  The  industry  of  Le  Grand-Pressigny  seems,  however,  Uke  the  obsidian 
trade  in  the  Mediterranean,  to  belong  to  the  closing  phases  of  the  neohthic  age,  while 
the  Graig  Llwyd  factory  may  well  date  from  the  bronze  age. 

So  long  as  these  products  of  local  industry  were  distributed  by  land,  as  in  the 
case  of  Le  Grand-Pressigny  and  Graig  Llwyd,  the  old  method  of  barter  from  tribe  to 
tribe  was  possible  and  doubtless  still  continued.  But  when  an  island,  such  as 
Santorin,  was  the  scene  of  production,  such  methods  were  ineffectual,  and  a  definite 
organisation  for  export  became  necessary.  To  carry  goods  from  one  island  to  a 
neighbouring  isle  or  to  the  mainland  requires  a  ship  and  a  crew,  besides  some 
representatives  of  the  makers  to  effect  the  sales.  When  the  ship  has  been  equipped 
it  is  economical  to  provide  a  full  cargo,  and  this  would  be  more  than  one  small 
community  would  need  or  could  afford  to  purchase.  This  leads  to  trading  voyages 
of  some  days'  or  weeks'  duration,  when  the  ship  can  call  at  a  number  of  ports  to  meet 
the  needs  of  many  communities.  The  inland  inhabitants  have  also  to  be  catered  for, 
and  the  most  serviceable  ports  became  in  their  turn  fresh  centres  of  distribution,  and 
need  a  depot  under  the  supervision  of  a  representative  of  the  makers. 

Thus,  even  before  the  close  of  the  stone  age,  we  see  developing,  especially  in  the 
Mediterranean  region,  the  beginnings  of  an  organised  commerce,  involving  visits 
paid  by  ships  and  their  crews  to  distant  ports  and  foreign  commimities,  and  sometimes 
leading  to  the  estabhshment  of  small  foreign  trading  settlements.  With  the 
introduction  of  metal  these  features  increased  rapidly,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  before  the 
bronze  age  had  been  in  existence  for  many  centuries,  an  extensive  trade  had  grown 
up,  mainly  by  sea,  but  sometimes  by  land  as  well,  so  that  bronze  became  known  and  used 

»  Peet  (1909)  150  ;  Mosso  (1910)  365-367. 
3  D^chelette  (1908-14)  i.  355-661  passim. 
*  (Warren  1921). 


36  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

over  most  parts  of  Europe  which  were  not  too  remote  from  the  sea  to  be  affected  by 
sea-borne  commerce.  Thus  a  considerable  mingling  of  peoples  and  cultures  took 
place,  not  by  the  sudden  arrival  of  large  numbers  of  invading  hordes,  but  by  the 
constant  infiltration  of  small  bodies  of  merchants  and  seamen. 

The  origin  of  the  discovery  of  metal  is  still  unknown,  though  many  ingenious 
suggestions  have  been  made.  All  investigators  are  agreed  that  gold,  being  the  most 
strikingly  conspicuous  metal,  was  the  first  to  be  noticed  and  used,  though  there  are 
those  who  beUeve  that  copper  was  almost  if  not  quite  as  early  a  discovery.  Professor 
Elliot  Smith  has  made  interesting  suggestions  in  both  cases.  He  beUeves  that 
somewhere  on  the  African  shore  of  the  Red  Sea  a  cult  arose  which  involved  the  use 
of  the  cowry  shell  as  an  amulet  for  fertility ;  such  cults  are  well-known  and  widely 
spread.'  For  some  reason  the  shells  did  not  ultimately  satisfy  the  people,  or  the 
supply  diminished,  and  they  made  models  in  gold,  deposits  of  which  were  found  in  that 
locahty.  Thus  the  virtue  of  the  amulet,  residing  originally  in  its  form,  became 
transferred  to  the  material,  and  gold  became  and  has  since  remained  a  lucky  and 
fortunate  possession.® 

Copper,  on  the  other  hand,  he  beUeves  to  have  been  discovered  in  Egypt.  The 
inhabitants  of  this  country  had,  in  neolithic  days,  been  in  the  habit  of  mining  malachite 
in  the  Sinaitic  peninsula,  and  grinding  this  mineral  on  slate  palates  into  a  powder,  which 
they  applied  to  their  eyes.  Green  powder  thus  applied  is  said  to  save  the  wearer  from 
the  ill-effects  of  glaring  sunlight,  and  perhaps  served  also  to  keep  away  the  flies,  which 
are  a  constant  source  of  ophthalmia.  Professor  EUiot  Smith  suggests  that  an 
Eygptian,  grinding  his  lump  of  malachite  on  his  decorated  slate  palate,  one  day  met 
with  an  unusually  hard  lump,  which  he  could  not  grind  satisfactorily.  In  a  fit  of 
temper  he  threw  the  offending  morsel  into  the  fire,  doubtless  with  words  of  objurgation  ; 
later  on  in  the  ashes  he  found  a  small  red  bead  of  copper,  A  repetition  of  this  action, 
no  doubt  with  the  same  formula,  produced  an  identical  result,  and  so  the  discovery  of  the 
reduction  of  copper  from  its  ore  was  made.='  I  must  admit  that  at  one  time  I  doubted 
the  possibihty  of  this  explanation,  as  I  questioned  whether  the  heat  of  a  fire  of  dung, 

I  Smith,  G.  Elliot  (1919)  143,  150-153. 
«  Smith,  G.  Elliot  (1919)  221-225. 
7  Smith.  G.  Elliot  {19")  4-  ., 


EARLY  TRADE  WITH  CELTIC  LANDS  z^ 

now  and  probably  then  also,  the  only  available  fuel,  would  be  sufficient  to  reduce  the 
ore.  To  satisfy  me  on  this  point,  Mr.  R.  H.  Rastall  of  Cambridge  kindly  made  a 
laboratory  experiment  upon  a  piece  of  malachite,  and  as  a  result  assured  me  that  the 
heat  of  a  dung  fire  would  be  ample  for  the  purpose. 

While  admitting  that  Professor  EUiot  Smith's  theories  are  both  possible  and 
suggestive,  I  feel  inclined  to  offer  another,  albeit  more  prosaic  solution  to  these 
problems.  Primitive  men,  whether  in  prehistoric  times  or  among  backward  peoples 
to-day,  and,  dare  I  say  it,  this  is  perhaps  more  true  of  primitive  women,  have  a  habit, 
not,  I  beheve,  quite  extinct  even  in  more  advanced  circles,  of  collecting  small  objects 
with  natural  perforations,  or  through  which  holes  could  readily  be  drilled,  and  stringing 
them  upon  a  thread  or  wire  to  make  necklaces  or  bracelets  for  the  adornment  of  their 
persons.     Such  customs  carry  us  back  a  long  way.     The  old  Grimaldi  woman  from  the  ^ 

Grotte  des  enfants  wore  two  bracelets  composed  of  perforated  shells,  while  her  son, 
if  indeed  he  were  her  son,  had  worn  on  his  head  a  chaplet  of  the  same  materials.^  The 
Alpine  inhabitants  of  the  North  Itahan  lake-dwellings  used  the  vertebrae  of  pike  for 
the  same  purpose.'  Whether  the  use  of  strings  of  beads  originated  in  some  reUgious 
practice  I  know  not,  for  it  may  be  that  such  reUgious  associations,  though  found  to-day 
among  Buddhists,  Moslems  and  Christians,  may  be  relatively  modern.  That  in  later 
days  it  proved  a  safe  and  convenient  way  of  storing  accumulated  wealth  seems  more 
certain,  and  for  this  purpose  the  custom  is  still  practised.  Perhaps  after  all  the 
Preacher  was  right  and  this,  like  everything  else,  was  vanity. 

Leaving  the  cause  unsolved,  we  may  be  content  to  note  that  the  practice  dates 
from  the  first  arrival  of  modern  man  in  Europe,  and  may  be  much  older.  But  shells 
and  the  vertebrae  of  fish  are  easily  damaged,  and  store  would  have  been  set  by 
perforated  stones,  which  would  have  been  much  more  durable.  Pebbles  of  clear 
quartz,  with  natural  perforations,  were  worn  sometimes  by  our  Saxon  forefathers,'" 
but  such  stones  are  scarce  and  would  have  been  prized  accordingly. 

I  picture  to  myself  the  first  discoverer  of  gold  as  a  young  man  wishing  to  obtain 
the  favour  of  a  maid,  or  perhaps  to  purchase  her  from  her  father.     I  imagine  such  a 

'  Macalister  (1921)  1.  353. 

5  Mosso  (1910)  205-209. 

10  Peake  &  Hooton  (1915)  98,  117. 


38  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

youth  going  in  search  of  some  object,  rare  and  durable  and  capable  of  being  strung 
on  a  necklace.  Walking  down  to  a  clear  stream,  perhaps  to  wash,  though  more 
probably  to  drink  or  to  fish,  he  noticed  in  its  bed  a  briUiant  yellow  stone  of  quite 
exceptional  beauty.  Picking  it  up  and  examining  it  he  foxmd  he  could  bend  it  where 
it  was  thin,  so  that  with  the  aid  of  a  stone  he  was  able  to  fashion  it  into  the  much 
sought-for  bead.  Here  he  had  something  which  was  perforated,  strong,  rare  and  also 
beautiful.  We  can  imagine  that  his  success  would  have  been  assured.  Then  would 
have  followed  the  first  gold  rush. 

Now  copper,  too,  is  found  in  a  native  state,  and  is  also  malleable  and  easUy 
modelled  with  a  stone  hammer  ;  it,  too,  is  capable  of  exhibiting  a  bright  metaUic  lustre 
when  clean.  Though  it  could  not  compare  with  gold  for  beauty,  or  in  the  permanence 
of  its  natural  lustre,  it  could  well  take  second  place,  and  being  less  rare  it  soon  came  to 
be  used  freely  for  decorative  purposes.  At  first  it  was  obtained  only  in  a  native  state, 
and  was  hammered,  not  melted,  as  was  the  case  until  recent  times  around  Lake 
Superior."  Later  some  copper  ornaments  probably  fell  into  the  fire,  and  it  was  thus 
discovered  that  it  could  be  melted.  Later  still  experiments  were  made  with  other 
metallic-looking  ores,  such  as  chalcopyrite,  and  the  metal  age  had  come. 

Where  these  discoveries  were  made  is  still  a  matter  of  uncertainty.  Copper 
objects  have  been  found  not  uncommonly  in  tombs  of  the  second  predynastic  period 
in  Egypt,  and  sometimes  in  those  of  the  first."  So  rare,  however,  are  they  in  the  latter, 
that,  since  the  two  cultures  must  to  some  extent  have  overlapped,  it  seems  possible 
that  the  knowledge  of  this  metal  was  introduced  into  Egypt  by  the  second  pre-dynastic 
people.  It  has  been  suggested  recently  that  these  people,  with  a  copper  culture, 
bringing  the  knowledge  of  wheat  and  the  cult  of  Osiris,  came  from  North  Syria, 
from  somewhere  between  Damascus  and  Beyrut,'^  and  if  Breasted's  views  upon  the 
Egyptian  calender  are  sound,  we  may  expect  that  they  entered  the  Delta  4241  B.C.  or 
thereabouts.'* 

In  Mesopotamia  we  are  not  very  sure  of  our  dates  at  so  early  a  period,  nor  have 
we  got  any  clear  evidence  of  the  earhest  copper  civilisation  of  that  region,    but    the 

"  Lubbock  (1865)  201,  202.  "J  Newberry  (1920). 

"  Breasted  (1912)  28.  '<  Breasted  (1912)  597- 


EARLY  TRADE  WITH  CELTIC  LANDS  39 

beautiful  copper  lions  brought  back  from  Tell-el-'Obeid,  near  Ur,  by  Dr.  H.  R.  Hall", 
show  that  at  the  time  when  they  were  made  the  art  of  working  copper  must  long  have  been 
known,  and  Dr.  Hall  tells  me  that  their  date  may  be  placed  with  fair  certainty  between 
3500  and  3000  B.C.  Small  fovmdation  iigures,  cast  soUd  in  copper,  have  been  found 
which  date  from  the  time  of  Ur-Nina,  about  3000  B.C.'®,  while  Mr.  Raphael  Pumpelly, 
describing  his  excavations  at  Anau  in  Turkestan,  states  that  he  found  copper 
implements  in  a  deposit,  which  on  other  grounds  he  dates  between  8000  and  7000  B.C' 
While  there  is  no  doubt  that  copper  was  found  in  the  lowest  layer  of  the  Anau  village 
site,  there  are  few  people  who  agree  with  the  early  date  claimed  for  it  by  Mr.  Pumpelly. 
Taking  all  the  available  evidence  into  consideration,  it  seems  likely  that  copper  was 
known  and  used  in  western  Asia  as  early  as  4500  B.C.  and  might  conceivably  have 
been  known  as  early  as  5000  B.C. ;  that  it  was  known  before  that  seems  unlikely  as 
far  as  we  can  judge  from  the  evidence  available  at  present. 

Gold,  as  we  have  seen,  seems  to  have  been  the  first  metal  to  be  discovered,  though 
we  have  no  sufficient  reason  for  beheving  that  its  discovery  preceded  that  of  copper 
by  any  considerable  period.  Objects  of  gold  have  been  found  in  graves  of  the  second 
pre-dynastic  period  in  Egypt,  as  well  as  some  of  silver  and  of  lead,'*  so  that  before 
3500  B.C.  the  metal  age  had  passed  its  infancy. 

It  will  be  seen  from  what  has  gone  before,  that  the  discovery  of  metal  must  have 
taken  place  somewhere  in  western  Asia  ;  in  Asia  Minor,  Armenia  or  Persia.  The 
knowledge  spread  first  of  all  from  tribe  to  tribe  and  from  city  to  city,  and  the  objects 
were  traded  Uke  the  stone  axes  of  Le  Grand-Pressigny  and  Graig  Llwyd ;  but  about 
4241  B.C.  this  knowledge  was  carried  into  Egypt  with  an  invading  people.  So  far,  then, 
there  is  no  evidence  of  organised  trade,  for  the  gold,  silver  and  lead,  which  have  been 
found  in  the  pre-dynastic  tombs,  may  have  arrived  in  the  same  way.  Gold,  it  is  true, 
was  found  in  quartz  veins  in  the  granite  mountains  by  the  shores  of  the  Red  Sea,  and 
in  the  Wadi  Foakhir,'^  but  it  is  not  clear  that  these  sources  were  tapped  before  the 
fourth  or  fifth  dynasties  ;  in  later  days  the  principal  source  of  supply  was  Nubia  which 
had,  however,  been  inaccessible  to  traders  until  Memere  had  made  the  first  cataract 

•5  Hall  (1920.)  18  Breasted  (1912)  28. 

•«  Gowland  (1912)  247  ;   King  (1910)  72,  360.  '9  Breasted  (1912)  6,  94. 

'7  Pumpelly  (1908)  i.  32  «/  seq. 


40  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

passable  for  navigation  about  2570  E.G.***  Silver  was  always  imported  from  abroad, 
probably  from  Cilicia." 

There  are  reasons  for  believing  that  some,  at  any  rate,  of  the  gold  used  during  the 
period  of  the  Old  Kingdom  was  of  foreign  origin.  Professor  Flinders  Petrie  tells  me 
that  Dr.  Gladstone  made  for  him  an  analysis  of  the  gold  object  found  in  the  tomb  of 
King  Khasakhemui,  of  the  second  dynasty,  who  reigned,  according  to  the  chronology 
we  are  using,  about  3200  B.C.  He  found  on  this  gold  object  a  red  crust,  which  he 
stated  was  antimoniate  of  gold.  Now  it  appears  that  antimony  will  only  combine  with 
gold  in  the  presence  of  tellurium,  and  Professor  Petrie  tells  me  that  he  has  been  advised 
that  there  is  no  known  source  of  this  ore,  telluride  of  gold  and  antimony,  except  in 
Transylvania.  I  have  been  informed  that  all  the  gold  found  within  the  Carpathian 
ring  is  of  this  nature,  but  as  the  richest  sources  he  in  Transylvania,  where  gold  was 
worked  by  the  Romans,  the  conclusion  is  the  same,  that  before  3200  B.C.  the  Egyptians 
were  obtaining  gold  from  Central  Europe. 

As  it  seems  unlikely  that  gold  would  be  carried  between  such  distant  points  as 
the  valleys  of  the  Danube  and  the  Nile  by  the  old  method  of  bartering  from  tribe  to 
tribe,  especially  since  there  are  so  many  physical  obstacles  on  the  route,  including  the 
Taurus  range,  it  seems  more  Ukely  that  we  should  see  here  evidence  for  an  organised 
sea  commerce.  Not  that  I  would  imply  a  direct  sea  traffic  from  the  Danube  to  the 
Nile,  but  that  some  intermediate  people,  probably  some  islanders  in  the  ^Egean,  the 
people  perhaps  of  Melos  or  Crete,  traded  on  the  one  hand  with  settlements  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Danube  and  with  those  in  the  Delta  as  well.  The  obsidian  trade  of 
Melos  may  well  be  as  early  as  this,  in  fact  it  seems  to  have  been  on  the  decline  by  3000  B.C., 
and  we  find  Cretan  trade  flourishing  only  a  few  centiuies  later.  Either  or  both  of  these 
islands  might  well  have  been  responsible  for  this  traffic. 

Oversea  trade,  then,  was  in  existence,  if  not  very  highly  developed,  during  the 
early  days  of  metal,  the  centuries  preceding  3000  B.C.  The  knowledge  of  copper,  and  the 
possibility  of  making  copper  nails  and  wire,  must  have  given  a  great  impetus  to  ship 
building,  which  must  at  this  stage  have  passed  from  the  use  of  rafts  and  dug-outs  to 

"  Breasted  (1912)  136. 
"  Breasted  (1912)  94. 


EARLY  TRADE  WITH  CELTIC  LANDS  41 

that  of  boats  built  as  we  know  them  now.  But  a  new  discovery,  greater  even  in  some 
respects  than  those  which  I  have  been  describing,  was  still  further  to  encourage 
oversea  traffic. 

The  manufacture  of  implements  of  flint  and  obsidian  had  reached  a  high  pitch 
of  perfection  during  the  early  days  of  metal,  and  although  the  new  materials  were 
valuable  for  ornaments,  copper  knives  were,  in  many  respects,  less  serviceable  than 
stone  ones,  as  the  metal  is  soft  and  its  edge  easily  turned.  It  is  true  that  many  men, 
particularly  those  who  wished  to  display  their  wealth,  preferred  copper  daggers  to 
those  made  of  flint,  for  they  were  more  ornate,  more  novel  and  had  a  scarcity  value. 
Those,  however,  who  were  poor,  or  untouched  by  the  fashionable  snobbery,  preferred 
the  well-tried  flint  article,  which  was  probably  more  effective  for  its  purpose. 

But  with  the  discovery  that  the  addition  of  about  ten  per  cent,  of  tin  to  the 
copper  produced  an  alloy  of  considerable  hardness  and  no  little  toughness  as  well, 
from  which  could  be  made  implements  which  seldom  chipped  or  turned,  and  which 
could  have  their  edges  quickly  renewed  by  hammering  or  grinding  did  such  an  accident 
happen,  the  days  of  copper  came  quickly  to  an  end,  and  the  traffic  in  flint  implements, 
even  in  obsidian,  feU  upon  evil  days.  It  was  this  discovery,  which  made  metal  not 
merely  a  luxury,  but  a  really  serviceable  article  to  man,  which  brought  the  stone  age 
to  an  end  and  ushered  in  the  true  metal  age. 

How,  when  and  where  this  discovery  was  made  is  still  a  mystery.  At  one  time 
I  was  disposed  to  think  that  it  was  perhaps  in  Spain,  where  both  these  metals  are 
found,  that  the  discovery  was  accidentally  made,  but  evidence  which  has  come  to 
hand  quite  recently  has  disposed  of  this  idea.  Professor  Sayce  has  recently  published 
an  extract  from  a  tablet  found  in  the  royal  library  of  Assur."  It  is  from  a  document 
drawn  up  in  the  reign  of  Sargon  of  Akkad,  whose  date  has  now  been  finally  fixed  at 
2800  B.C.  It  is  a  geographical  description  of  that  monarch's  empire,  giving  a  list 
of  the  provinces,  at  the  close  of  which  it  is  said  that  his  conquests  had  extended  "  from 
the  lands  of  the  setting  sun  to  the  lands  of  the  rising  sun,  namely  to  the  tinland  (Ku-Ki) 
and  Kaptara  (Crete)  coimtries  beyond  the  Upper  Sea  (the  Mediterranean)."  At 
first  there  was  a  tendency  to  interpret  this  passage  as  though  Ku-Ki  was  beyond  the 
Mediterranean,  and  must  refer  either  to  Spain  or  Brittany  ;  but  this  is  to  misunderstand 

M  Sayce  (192 1). 


42  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

the  passage.  As  Professor  Sayce  says :  "  the  western  extension  of  the  empire  ended 
with  the  S5^an  coast ;  beyond  that  were  Kaptara  or  Krete  and  the  Tinland."  Ku-Ki 
may  well  have  been  Cyprus,  or  some  other  island  in  the  Mediterranean,  or  some  region 
easily  accessible  from  it. 

Now  the  importance  of  this  passage  is  that  it  shows  us  that  as  early  as  2800  B.C. 
the  Babylonians  were  cognisant  of  the  existence  of  tin,  and  doubtless  aware  of  its 
value  as  an  ingredient  of  bronze  ;  this  can  only  mean  that  they  were  using  it  to  harden 
the  copper,  which  they  had  worked  so  well  centuries  earlier.  The  passage  implies  that 
Sargon's  rule  extended  to  Ku-Ki,  which  may  perhaps  mean  no  more  than  that  some  of 
his  subjects  had  a  trading  post  there.  What  seems  important  is  that  the  discovery 
of  the  value  of  tin  and  bronze  had  been  made  before  2800  B.C.,  somewhere  in  western 
Asia,  though  at  what  sites  is  at  present  uncertain.  Copper  mines,  which  are  known  to 
have  been  worked  at  an  early  date,  exist  south  of  Trebizonde,  near  Erzeroum,  in 
Armenia  and  at  Diarbekir  in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Tigris  ;  ancient  tin  workings  have 
been  fotmd  further  east  in  Khorazan.'^  But  the  local  supply  of  tin  was  apparently 
insufficient,  and  merchants  from  the  Persian  Gulf  were  carrying  on  a  trade  in  this 
commodity  with  a  place  in  the  Mediterranean  region,  even  if  they  had  not  already,  as 
seems  probable,  established  a  definite  trading  post  in  Ku-Ki. 

Thus  we  see  that  a  definite  organised  trade,  both  by  sea  and  by  land,  had  been 
estabUshed  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean  region  before  2800  B.C.,  and  that  this  included 
a  new  and  important  feature,  the  search  for  and  importation  of  raw  materials  as  well 
as  the  export  of  manufactured  articles. 

Now,  as  I  have  shown  elsewhere,**  at  a  date  which  cannot  be  very  much  later, 
during  a  period  which  closed  about  2200  B.C.,  the  eastern  Mediterranean  was  in  close 
trade  relations  with  Spain,  and  was  exploiting  the  mineral  resources  of  that  peninsula. 
At  present  it  is  uncertain  who  these  traders  were,  but  they  seem  to  have  been  in  touch 
with  Crete,  the  Cyclades  and  the  second  city  of  Hissarlik,  and  perhaps  too  with  Cyprus. 
Though  we  have  no  evidence  that  these  traders  were  from  the  Persian  Gulf,  they  were 
trading  between  Spain  and  the  area  in  which  Ku-Ki  probably  lay,  and  if  they  were  not 
subjects  of  the  Babylonian  Empire,  they  were  at  least  carrying  on  the  metal  trade 
first  organised  by  the  people  from  the  Persian  Gulf. 

»3  Gowland  (1912),  245,  252.  »»  Peake  (1916)  *•  "9.  lao- 


EARLY  TRADE  WITH  CELTIC  LANDS 


43 


Quite  recently  it  has  been  stated  that  there  is  no  clear  evidence  that  the  Spanish 
copper  mines  had  been  worked  at  so  early  a  time/'  but  the  data  cited  by  Siret**  seem  to 
me  to  prove  conclusively  that  the  early  settlements  of  El  Argar  had  direct  or  indirect 
trade  relations  with  Hissarhk  II.,  and  the  discovery  throughout  the  Spanish  peninsula 
of  clay  balls  of  a  certain  type,"  which  exactly  resemble  some  found  by  Schliemann  in  the 
burnt  city,''  seems  to  me  to  place  this  early  connection  beyond  all  reasonable  doubt. 

How  early  this  Spanish  trade  began  we  cannot  yet  say  with  certainty,  beyond 
the  fact  that  it  must  have  been  in  existence  for  some  time  before  the  destruction  of 
Hissarlik  II.  in  2225  B.C.*'  How  long  it  continued  in  the  same  hands  is  also  uncertain. 
But,  as  I  have  shown  elsewhere,^"  there  is  evidence  that  while  it  lasted,  and  certainly 
before  2000  B.C.,  the  eastern  traders  not  only  passed  through  the  Pillars  of  Hercules 
and  discovered  the  tin  fields  in  the  north-west  of  the  peninsula,  but  learned  also  that 
both  tin  and  gold  were  to  be  found  in  the  rivers  of  the  south  of  Brittany.  Before  the 
close  of  the  third  millenium,  probably  several  centuries  before  its  close,  this  Levantine 
trade  had  reached  the  Morbihan,  where  stone  axes  have  been  found  which  repeat  the 
shapes  of  copper  axes  from  Cyprus.  ^^ 

Now,  if  we  compare  the  copper  and  bronze  axes  found  throughout  the 
Mediterranean,  from  Cyprus  to  Spain,  and  those  found  along  the  west  of  Europe  from 
Spain  to  Brittany,  we  find  a  gradual  change  in  form  from  the  triangular  axes  of  Cyprus 
to  the  western  type,  with  semi-circular  butt  and  widely  splayed  edge.  The  earliest 
types  are  found  only  in  the  east,  the  more  developed  only  in  the  west,  for  in  the  east 
they  followed  a  different  hne  of  development.  It  is  true,  however,  in  a  general  way 
that  the  type  develops  as  we  pass  westward  and  northward,  two  or  more  varieties 
overlapping  at  many  points  en  route.  This  can  better  be  understood  by  reference  to  the 
series  of  axes  shown  in  Plate  I.,  which  could  probably  be  made  more  perfect,  were  it 
possible  to  get  drawings  of  aU  the  specimens  in  local  museums  and  private  collections. 

If  again  we  take  the  copper  daggers,  with  broad  butts  and  slightly  ogival  blades, 
several  of  which  have  been  found  in  Crete,  and  compare  them  again  with  those  found 


'5  Leeds  (1922). 

»*  Siret  (1908,  1909,  1910). 

»7  Hildburgh  {1922). 

>'  Schliemann  (1880)  349,  figs.  245,  246. 


=9  Peake  (1916)  1.  169. 

3»  Peake  (1916)  2.  119,  120. 

3'  Peake  (1916)  2.  119,  120 


44  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

at  Scurgola  in  South  Italy  and  Monteracello  in  Sicily,"  and  with  other  tjqjes  from 
Malta,"  Spain,  Brittany  and  the  west,  we  shall  find  the  type  gradually  narrowing  at 
the  butt  and  lengthening  in  the  blade,  till  we  come  in  later  centuries  to  the  type 
commonly  known  as  the  rapier,  but  which  I  think  might  more  correctly  be  termed 
a  dirk  (see  Plate  II.), 

The  gradual  evolution  of  the  axe  and  the  dagger  as  they  pass  westwards  and 
northwards  seems  to  indicate  a  Une  of  trade,  spreading  further  and  further  to  the 
north-west  as  the  centuries  pass.  At  present  we  must  be  content  with  an  outline  of 
the  movement,  but  if  illustrations  of  all  the  specimens  found  in  these  regions  were 
available,  I  doubt  not  but  that  the  evidence  would  be  more  convincing  and  the  details 
and  the  dates  more  minute  and  exact. 

Thus  we  find  these  early  traders  seeking  for  copper,  tin  and  gold,  or  any  other 
precious  commodities,  on  the  north-west  of  Europe  before  2000  B.C.,  and  it  has  been 
shown  by  various  authorities  that  among  the  gold-fields  explored  at  that  time  none  was 
richer  than  the  Irish  gold-fields  in  the  Wicklow  Hills.^  It  is  needless  here  to 
recapitulate  all  the  evidence  which  has  been  adduced  to  establish  the  early  working 
of  these  deposits.  The  wealth  of  gold  ornaments  of  this  period  found  in  the  island, 
most  of  which  have  passed  into  the  melting  pot,  but  hundreds  of  which  are  stiU  in  the 
National  Museum  at  Dublin,"  would  alone  be  sufficient  evidence  ;  but  we  know  also  that 
certain  ornaments,  known  as  lunulce  or  crescents,  were  exported  and  reached  Brittany, 
Denmark  and  Germany.^®  It  is  Ukely,  too,  that  gold  objects  of  Irish  origin  reached 
to  more  distant  places."  This  shows  us  that  Ireland  was  in  touch  with  the  trade  routes 
we  have  been  discussing,  and  this  in  turn  accoimts  for  the  vast  numbers  of  bronze 
implements  of  early  types  which  are  to  be  found  in  all  museums  and  private  collections, 
not  only  in  Ireland  itself,  but  throughout  Great  Britain. 


3>  Peet  (1909)  194,  quoting  B.P.  xxiv.  208  ;  214,  260,  fig.  142,  quoting  B.P.  xxii.  305. 

13  Zammit  (1917)  PI.  xxi.  fig.  2. 

J4  Crawford  (1912)  1.  194,  where  the  literature  on  the  subject  is  summarised. 

II  Armstrong  (1920). 

s«  Crawford  (1912)  1.  195,  196,  with  map  (fig.  8). 

S7  Crawford  (1912)  2.  42. 


EARLY  TRADE  WITH  CELTIC  LANDS  45 

It  would  seem  probable  that  the  early  traders  from  the  Mediterranean  also 
reached  the  Baltic  at  about  the  same  date,  for  we  find  there,  too,  an  early  bronze 
industry,  which,  while  bearing  a  close  resemblance  to  Central  European  models,  exhibits 
also  western  and  Mediterranean  types.^^  The  search  for  amber  probably  induced  our 
traders  to  go  to  this  distant  region,  for  amber,  Uke  the  precious  metals,  was  much  in 
request  in  Mediterranean  lands,  for  again  it  was  a  substance  from  which  beads  could 
readily  be  made.  It  was  probably  these  traders  who  carried  with  them  the  news  of 
the  Irish  gold-fields,  and  in  due  course  other  traders,  starting  out  from  the  Baltic,  joined 
the  gold  rush.  We  have  already  seen  that  a  gold  crescent  of  Irish  work  has  been 
found  in  Denmark,  we  can  find,  too,  other  evidence  of  this  trade. 

Now  if  we  plot  out  on  a  map  of  the  British  Isles  the  sites  at  which  have  been 
found  the  bronze  implements  of  this  period,  and  such  a  map  of  flat  celts  was  published 
some  years  ago  by  Mr.  O.  G.  S.  Crawford, ^^  we  shall  notice  certain  striking  features. 
Where  the  chalk  lands  or  limestone  hiUs  exist  these  finds  are  fairly  numerous  and 
generally  distributed,  for,  as  Crawford  showed,  these  areas  were  open  grass  lands. 
But  throughout  the  rest  of  the  country  these  sites  string  out  into  long  lines,  and  these 
lines,  if  produced,  would  intersect  near  DubUn  ;  these  hues  seem  to  indicate  trade  routes, 
passing  through  thickly  wooded  and  probably  uninhabited  country  on  their  way  to  the 
Irish  gold-fields. 

One  such  route  starts  from  Southampton  and  passing  Winchester,  crosses  the 
Kennet  at  Newbury,  where  it  was  met  perhaps  by  a  route  from  Chichester.  Thence 
it  passed  by  the  head  waters  of  the  Thames  to  a  point  on  the  Cotswolds  not  far  from 
Cirencester,  where  it  may  have  been  joined  by  other  routes  from  the  south-west.  It 
descended  the  scarp  slope  of  the  Cotswold  at  or  near  Broadway,  crossed  the  Avon  near 
Evesham,  and  the  Severn  at  Bevere  Island  above  Worcester.  Thence  it  passed  up  the 
west  side  of  the  valley,  crossing  the  river  again  below  Shrewsbury.  Its  course  across  north 
Shropshire  seems  to  have  lain  on  the  watershed  between  the  Tern  and  the  Perry, 
if  we  may  judge  from  evidence  of  a  later  date,*"  thence  passing  from  Ebnal  towards 
Llanarmon-dyffryn-Ceiriog,  it  crossed  over  to  the  Dee  Valley,  where  we  can  pick  up 

J«  cf.  inter  alia  M.A.N.  (1908-9)  5,  fig.  i,  11,  fig.  5. 
39  Crawford  (1912)  1. 186,  fig.  2. 
<•  Peake  (1922)  2. 


46  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

fresh  evidence  near  Corwen.  From  the  head  of  Bala  lake  it  seems  to  have  turned 
sUghtly  north  of  west,  instead  of  passing  down  the  Mawddach  Valley,  and  it  reached 
the  coast  somewhere  to  the  north  of  Harlech,  perhaps  by  the  so-called  Roman  steps 
at  Cwm  Bychan.  This  is  the  best  attested  route  so  far  traced  out,  but  further  work  is 
required  to  establish  its  course  with  precision  all  the  way. 

Another  route  from  the  Yorkshire  coast  through  York  to  the  Aire  gap  has  been 
described  by  Colonel  E.  Kitson  Clark,*'  while  some  years  ago  I  traced  several  from 
the  borders  of  the  Fens  into  Leicestershire,  where  they  met  at  Bardon  Hill ;  thence 
the  route  passed  through  Ashby-de-la-Zouch  as  far  as  Burton-on-Trent,  where  it 
seemed  to  be  pointing  to  the  Peak  district/'  There  appears  to  be  a  route  running 
thence  by  Macclesfield  and  Knutsford  towards  Warrington,  while  there  are  signs  that 
the  route  through  the  Aire  gap  also  turned  south  towards  the  same  spot.  Near 
Warrington  a  mmiber  of  fiat  axes  have  been  found,*^  some  on  the  north  and  some  to 
the  south.  The  northern  settlement  was  in  the  parish  of  Winwick,  and  among  the 
things  found  there  and  dating  from  this  time  is  a  battle-axe  of  the  so-called  boat-axe 
or  batyx  type."*  This  type  and  the  flint  of  which  it  is  made  both  indicate  Denmark  as 
the  place  of  origin.  The  fact  that  both  these  trade  routes  run  to  Warrington,  which  seems 
then  to  have  been  an  island  in  the  middle  of  the  Mersey,  shows,  I  think,  that  here  we  have 
a  port,  from  which  in  the  early  bronze  age  Baltic  traders  set  saU  for  DubUn  Bay.*' 
Warrington,  therefore,  rather  than  Chester,  was  the  first  predecessor  of  Liverpool, 
and  the  Mersey  holds  its  own  as  the  earliest  estuary  used  for  the  western  trade. 
Crawford's  map  also  shows  that  a  similar  trade  route  must  have  crossed  Scotland  from 
the  Firth  of  Forth  to  the  Firth  of  Clyde  and  the  Mull  of  Galloway,  but  no  details  of 
such  route  have  been  worked  out. 

Much  work  yet  remains  to  be  done  before  the  courses  of  these  trade  routes  can 
be  traced  with  precision  and  their  dates  fully  estabUshed,  but  enough  has  been  said, 
I  trust,  to  show  that  in  addition  to  direct  sea  routes  from  Brittany,  the  Irish  gold  fields 
tempted  traders  to  cross  both  England  and  Scotland  on  their  way  from  France  and 

4«  Clark  (1911).  ♦•  Evans  (1897)  aia. 

4>  Peake  (1911).  »  Crawford  (1912)  1.  196. 

«  Crawford  (1912)  1.  196. 


EARLY  TRADE  WITH  CELTIC  LANDS  47 

the  Baltic/*  These  traders  would  have  needed  provisions  for  the  journey,  and  for 
these  would  have  bartered  bronze  axes  to  the  people  settled  on  the  chalk  downs  and 
limestone  hills.  The  journey  across  the  Midland  plain  was  through  a  densely  wooded 
and  probably  uninhabited  area,  and  in  passing  through  Wales  they  kept  mostly  to  the 
valleys,  while  the  bulk  of  the  population  grazed  its  sheep  on  the  high  moorlands."' 
The  few  axes  found  must  have  been  such  as  were  lost  by  the  way,  and  considering  the 
number  found  this  indicates  an  extensive  traffic. 

In  Ireland  the  traders  probably  employed  the  natives  to  wash  the  alluvial  gold  ; 
they  had  also  to  barter  with  them  for  their  suppUes.  No  wonder,  then,  that  bronze 
implements  of  the  earliest  type  have  been  found  almost  more  abundantly  in  that  island 
than  in  any  other  part  of  Europe,  while  the  number  of  gold  objects  found  there  is 
unsurpassed  elsewhere.  Doubtless  the  natives  worked  the  gold  fields  sometimes  on 
their  own  account,  and  they  seem  also  to  have  tried  to  supply  themselves  with 
home-made  metal  axes.  There  are  veins  of  copper  ore  in  various  parts  of  the  island, 
which  they  seem  to  have  discovered,  but  tin  is  to  all  intents  and  purposes  absent.*' 
It  is  possible,  too,  that  the  traders  refused  to  divulge  the  secret  of  the  tin  alloy.  It 
would  have  been  strange  indeed  had  they  not  done  so,  and  so  the  native  Irish,  for  a 
time  at  least,  made  themselves  axes  of  copper.  This,  at  least,  seems  so  be  the  most 
plausible  explanation  of  the  great  number  of  copper  axes  found  in  that  island. 

The  foregoing  is,  of  necessity,  but  a  brief  account  of  the  early  metal  trade  and  its 
relations  with  Celtic  lands.  To  do  the  subject  justice  would  require  more  space 
than  is  at  my  disposal ;  nor  is  the  time  yet  ripe  for  more  detailed  treatment.  This 
outline  wiU  serve  to  show  that  foreign  elements  reached  Celtic  lands  some  4000  years 
ago,  though  in  small  numbers  ;  who  these  people  were  must  be  considered  in  the  next 
chapter. 


4*  Peake  (1917). 

47  Peake  (1922)  2. 

4*  Crawford  (1912)  I.  197,  fig.  9. 


Chapter  IV 
THE   PROSPECTORS 

IN  many  parts  of  the  world  there  are  to  be  found  monuments  of  rough,  unhewn 
stones,  sometimes  rudely  shaped  by  hammering,  which  from  the  size  of  the  stones 
used  have  been  termed  megahthic  monuments."  These  consist  of  burial  chambers, 
either  a  simple  slab  or  capstone  supported  on  four  or  more  uprights,  or  a  similar  but 
more  complex  chamber,  approached  by  a  stone-Uned  passage.  Other  monuments  consist 
of  circles  or  ahgnments  of  standing  stones,  or  single  stones  only  set  in  an  upright 
position.  There  are  many  types  ;  some,  Uke  the  dolmen  or  simplest  burial  chamber, 
or  the  simple  standing  stone,  are  widely  distributed,  while  others  have  a  restricted 
range.  One  type  of  elaborate  temple  is  found  only  in  Malta  and  in  the  adjacent  island 
of  Gozo.*  Such  monuments  have  these  features  in  common  :  the  stones  are  large, 
they  have  not  been  hewn  with  chisels  or  axes,  and  they  are  orthostatic  or  set  on  end. 

Frequently  associated  with  these  megahthic  monuments  are  other  structures, 
which  are  believed  to  belong  to  the  same  culture,  though  the  association  is  not  so 
clearly  established.  Such  are  bee-hive  huts,  round  towers,  and  dry  walls  with  polygonal 
masonry.  These  are  often  found  in  close  association  with  the  erections  of  larger 
stones,  but  not  infrequently  where  true  megahthic  structures  are  absent.' 

An  attempt  has  been  made  to  show  that  the  dolmen  originated  in  Egypt,  and 
is  closely  connected  with  the  mastaba,  the  tomb  used  throughout  the  earhest  dynasties.* 
Elsewhere  I  have  endeavoured  to  show  that  there  are  reasons  why  we  cannot  attribute 
the  origin  of  these  structures  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Nile  Valley,  and  that  the 
resemblances  may  better  be  explained  by  supposing  that  the  idea  of  the  former  was 

■  Fergusson  (1872) ;  Borlase  (1897)  ;  Peet  (1912). 

»  Peet(i9i2)  98-113  ;  Ashby,  etc. ;  Magri  (1906)  ;  Zammit  (1910). 

3  Peet  (1912)  1-4  ;  see  also  Giuffrida-Ruggeri  (1916)  21.  who  quotes  Patroai  (1916). 

4  Smith  (1913). 

48 


THE  PROSPECTORS  49 

introduced  into  Egypt,  perhaps  at  the  beginning  of  the  second  predynastic  period,  from 
some  region,  such  as  Syria,  where  doknens  were  known,  or  else  that  both  had  been 
derived  from  a  common  ancestry.' 

It  has  been  suggested  by  some  inquirers  that  the  fashion  of  erecting  such 
megahthic  monuments  of  orthostatic  blocks  arose  at  one  time  and  in  one  place,  and 
was  carried  by  degrees  from  centre  to  centre  until  it  reached  many  widely  scattered 
regions  between  Ireland  and  Polynesia.*  It  is  not  suggested  that  this  culture,  with 
which  has  been  associated  many  others,  such  as  terrace  cultivation,  irrigation,  the 
use  of  conch  shells  and  a  number  of  others,  was  carried  to  all  these  places  simultaneously 
or  even  within  the  same  millenium,  nor  is  it  asserted  that  the  people  who  introduced  it 
to  these  widely  scattered  regions  were  of  necessity  the  same.  The  idea  may,  I  think,  be 
better  expressed  by  saying  that  a  cult  or  religion  became  widely  disseminated  at  an 
early  date,  that  it  developed  many  varieties  in  the  regions  in  which  it  took  root,  and  that 
these  regions  often  became  in  time  fresh  centres  for  dissemination.  Thus  it  might 
happen  that  a  daughter  cult  might  ultimately  become  spread  through  part  of  the  region 
in  which  the  parent  cult  had  arisen.  A  parallel  may  be  drawn  from  the  spread  of 
Christianity,  especially  in  these  islands.  The  new  faith  reached  Britain  during  the 
period  of  the  Roman  occupation  and  thence  spread  to  Ireland  ;  later,  when  it  had 
disappeared  from  the  former,  it  passed  from  Ireland  to  lona  and  thence  back  to 
England. 

We  need  not  discuss  the  whole  of  this  hypothesis,  which  is  concerned  with  a  much 
wider  area  than  the  lands  we  are  considering.  One  of  the  most  essential  features,  however, 
of  this  interesting  thesis  is  that  the  people,  whoever  they  were,  who  spread  the  cidt 
of  megahthic  monuments  and  allied  practices,  were  travelling  in  search  of  gold,  silver, 
copper,  tin,  amber  and  pearls  ;  they  were,  in  fact,  merchants  in  search  of  precious  and 
easily  portable  commodities. 

Now  Perry,''  who  has  specially  worked  at  this  part  of  the  hypothesis,  maintains 
that  megahthic  monuments  are  invariably  found  in  association  with  metalliferous 


5  Peake  (1916)  2.  116,  117. 
'  Perry  (1915)  ;  Smith  (1915). 
7  Perry  (1915). 


50 


THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 


deposits,  amber  coasts  and  pearl  fisheries,  and  he  has  produced  maps  which  appear  at 
first  sight  very  convincing.  A  careful  examination  of  his  megahth  map  shows  that 
he  has  copied  that  of  Fergusson,  pubUshed  in  1872,*  and  which  represents  far  less 
accurately  the  distribution  of  these  monuments  than  does  that  published  by  Colonel 
A.  Lane-Fox  in  1869.'  Neither  of  these  maps,  however,  gives  us  a  really  reUable 
summary  of  the  facts.  Much  work  has  been  done  on  this  subject  since  these  maps 
were  produced,  many  fresh  areas  have  been  added,  and  two  at  least  have  been  deducted  ; 
but  no  one  has  recently  attempted  to  make  a  map  of  the  European  megaUths,  or  those  of 
any  country  except  Holland."  The  French  anthropologists  have  made  a  Ust  of  the 
dolmens  in  France,  and  pubUshed  a  summary  giving  the  number  noted  in  each 
department,"  a  catalogue  of  the  British  megaliths  is  in  process  of  formation. 

Wherever  it  has  been  possible  to  test  it  with  sufficient  accuracy,  we  find  that 
Perry's  contention  is  substantially  true,  and  that  there  is  a  definite  relation  between 
many  areas  rich  in  megaUthic  structures  and  deposits  of  metal  which  are  known  to 
have  been  worked  in  early  days  ;  the  megalithic  areas  of  the  Baltic  coincide  fairly  well 
with  the  coasts  producing  amber.  Nevertheless  there  are  many  spots,  rich  in  metals, 
and  which  are  known  or  suspected  to  have  been  worked  in  early  days,  where  megaliths, 
have  not  hitherto  been  noted,  and  on  the  other  hand,  dolmens  and  other  such  structures 
occur,  sometimes  with  great  frequency,  in  areas  devoid  of  metals  or  other  precious 
commodities.  The  problem  is  not  quite  so  simple  as  it  would  appear  from  Perry's 
account. 

Still,  looking  at  the  matter  broadly  in  the  light  of  information  available  at  present, 
it  does  seem  that,  in  western  Europe  at  any  rate,  the  megalithic  monuments  cluster 
thickest  in  or  around  those  regions  which  produced  gold,  copper,  tin  and  amber,  and 
which  were  readily  accessible  to  maritime  traffic,  and  that  they  coincide  very  closely 
with  the  lines  of  trade  which  I  described  in  the  last  chapter.  The  exceptions,  too, 
are  not  destructive  to  the  hypothesis.  In  the  British  Isles  we  find  that  the  megaliths 
in  the  main  coincide  with  the  metaUiferous  areas,  though  in  some  cases  more  closely 
with  lead  ores  than  with  the  metals  previously  mentioned.      As  lead  does  not  seem  to 


'  Fergusson  (1872)  map,  p.  533. 
»  Lane-Fox  (1869)  66. 


■°  Aberg  (1916)  22,  23,  map  ii. 

"  D6chelette  (1908-1914)  i.  384-386  ;  Mortillet  (1901)  32. 


THE  PROSPECTORS  51 

have  been  used  in  north-west  Europe  before  1000  B.C.,  these  monuments  must,  if  any 
connection  be  implied,  date  from  a  much  later  period  than  that  which  we  are  discussing. 
But  a  large  number  of  megalithic  structures  are  found  in  the  region  surrounding 
Salisbury  Plain  and  in  certain  parts  of  the  Cotswolds.  These  are  some  of  those  open  chalk 
and  Umestone  areas  already  mentioned,  which  were  the  early  centres  of  population 
in  this  country.  As  we  have  seen,  certain  trade  routes  to  Ireland  seem  to  traverse 
these  regions,  and  here  the  merchants  would  have  obtained  their  supplies  of  food  for 
the  rest  of  their  journey  ;  it  would  not  surprise  us,  therefore,  if  they  introduced  their 
cult  here,  and  that  these  populous  areas  formed  fresh  centres  of  dispersion. 

The  long  barrows  of  Wiltshire  and  the  Cotswold  areas,  and  the  same  is  probably 
true  of  those  in  South  Wales,  have  been  thought  by  some  Scandinavian  archaeologists 
to  be  closely  related  to  the  types  peculiar  to  the  Baltic  region.  Dr.  Knut  Sterjna" 
believed  that  the  English  chambered  long  barrows  represented  a  stage  in  the  evolution 
from  the  dolmens  to  the  chambered  barrows  {sepultures  a  galerie)  of  Denmark  and 
Sweden.  The  stone  circles,  which  are  conspicuous  in  the  SaUsbury  plain  area,  are 
absent  in  France,  and  seem  to  have  originated  by  the  Baltic.  It  would  seem,  then, 
that  some  at  any  rate  of  our  EngUsh  megaUths  were  introduced,  not  so  much  by 
merchants  coming  from  the  south  as  by  those  adventurers  who  came  later  from  the 
Baltic  region,  some  of  whom  we  have  seen  passed  across  this  country  to  the  port  at 
Warrington. 

In  France,  too,  though  megaliths  are  more  numerous  and  finer  in  the  Morbihan, 
where  we  have  seen  that  tin  and  gold  were  found,  than  elsewhere  in  that  country,  yet 
they  cluster  thickly  in  Finistfere,  and  in  a  curved  line  from  that  department  to  the 
Mediterranean  coast  near  Narbonne.'^  The  occurrence  of  so  many  megahths  in 
Finistere  and  the  adjoining  departments  may  be  due  to  the  need  of  the  early  traders  to 
take  refuge  in  the  inlets  of  that  region,  while  endeavouring  to  rotmd  the  dangerous 
promontory.  That  they  did  so  not  infrequently  is  shown  by  the  occurrence  near  these 
inlets  of  numerous  hoards  of  bronze  implements,  most  of  which  date  from  the  time 
which  we  are  discussing.'* 

"  Sterjna  (1910). 

'3  Lane-Fox  {1869)  66. 

M  D6chelette  (1908-14)  ii.  map  facing  p.  512. 


52  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

The  band  across  the  country  clusters  most  thickly  just  north-east  of  the  line, 
running  through  the  Carcassone  gap,  now  followed  by  the  canal  du  midi.  This  seems 
to  indicate  that  a  land  route  through  the  pass  was  in  use  at  this  time,  as  a  safer 
alternative  to  rounding  the  Iberian  peninsula  by  sea.  From  this  hne  the  cult  seems  to 
have  spread  north-eastwards,  though  these  monuments  grow  scarcer  the  further  we 
leave  this  hne. 

Lastly,  there  are  certain  islands  in  which  these  monuments  are  found,  which 
do  not  seem  to  have  produced  any  wealth  of  the  type  required,  notably  Sardinia  and 
Malta.  We  have  also  an  isolated  group  near  Taranto.  It  seems  probable  that  such 
islands,  and  points  en  route  with  good  harbours  Uke  Taranto,  would  have  been  convenient 
points  of  call  to  these  traders,  as  Tarentum  was  afterwards  to  the  Phoenician  and 
Greek  merchants.  Here,  and  perhaps  too  at  Syracuse,  they  may  well  have  had  depots, 
but  from  the  wealth  of  its  megalithic  monuments  we  may  well  beUeve  that  Malta  was 
the  base  of  operations  for  the  western  and  northern  trade.  Here  we  have  a  small 
island,  very  isolated  and  with  excellent  ports,  with  a  population  primitive  and  docile ; 
such  a  spot  would  be  a  safe  depot  in  which  to  collect  and  store  valuable  merchandise, 
until  it  was  convenient  to  ship  it  through  the  more  traversed  and  perhaps  pirate-infested 
seas  of  the  east.  Thus,  though  there  are  more  exceptions  to  his  rule  than  Perry  would 
lead  us  to  suspect,  these  exceptions  do  not  seem  to  weaken  his  hypothesis,  but  rather 
help  to  prove  the  rule. 

Now  in  Britain  and  the  north  generally  these  monuments,  or  at  any  rate  some  of 
them  such  as  dolmens  and  long  barrows,  are  beheved  to  date  from  the  neohthic  age, 
albeit  from  its  latest  phases ;  nevertheless  there  are  instances  in  Scandinavia  and 
Brittany  of  the  discovery  of  copper  tools  and  gold  beads  in  these  tombs."  Further 
south  the  evidence  of  metal  in  association  with  them  is  clearer,  but  in  Malta  the  only 
bronze  implements  discovered,  the  hoard  found  in  1915  in  the  temple  of  Hal  Tarxien,'* 
had  been  deposited  above  three  feet  of  silt  which  had  accumulated  on  the  temple  floor. 
This  at  first  sight  seems  to  militate  against  the  theory  that  these  structures  were  the 
tombs  and  temples  of  miners. 

>5  Sterjna  (1910) ;  Ddchelette  (1908-1914)  i.  393. 
■'  Zammit  (191 7)  PI.  xxi.  fig.  2. 


THE  PROSPECTORS  53 

I  do  not  think,  however,  that  these  facts  are  necessarily  fatal  to  the  hypothesis. 
In  the  first  instance  it  is  probable  that  gold  and  amber  were  the  objects  of  search, 
and  these  were  probably  to  a  large  extent  exported.  For  a  long  time  metal  implements 
must  have  been  rare  in  these  regions,  and  the  people  might  well  have  hesitated  to  bury 
them  with  their  dead.  The  tools  of  metal  were  modern  and  new-fangled,  while  burial 
customs  are  singularly  conservative,  as  we  can  see  at  any  English  funeral.  For  centuries 
and  miUenia  it  had  been  customary  to  bury  with  the  corpse  weapons  of  stone  for  use  in 
the  next  world  ;  what  kind  of  a  reception  would  the  deceased  have  had  on  his  arrival 
with  a  metal  instrument  ?  It  would  have  been  a  great  risk,  which  was  seldom  if  ever 
taken.  In  matters  of  burial  and  religion,  which  are  in  fact  one,  the  older  course  is 
safer,  and  so  these  people,  even  after  metal  was  known,  continued  to  bury  stone 
implements  with  their  dead,  just  as  Joshua  circumcised  the  IsraeUtes  with  flint  knives."' 
The  temples  of  Malta,  too,  were  erected  without  the  use  of  metal  tools,  as  was  Solomon's 
temple,''  and  it  is  probable  that  while  this  cult  lasted  no  metal  object  might  be  taken 
within  the  shrine.  It  was  only  after  Hal  Tarxien  had  been  deserted,  and  its  floor 
covered  with  three  feet  or  more  of  dust,  that  traders  in  bronze,  or  perhaps  pirates, 
who  knew  not  the  ancient  cult,  ventured  to  bury  their  treasure  in  the  desolated 
sanctuary. 

In  a  recent  paper  Mr.  Thurlow  Leeds  has  suggested  that  the  dolmen  originated 
in  the  Iberian  peninsula,  in  the  basin  of  the  Tagus,  and  thence  spread  throughout  west 
Europe. '9  The  first  t5^e  he  beheves  to  have  been  polygonal  with  a  short  gallery  of 
approach,  Uned  with  large  stones,  and  this  gallery  seems,  from  his  plans,  to  have  been 
somewhat  in  the  nature  of  an  ante-chamber.  He  further  shows  that  such  primitive 
dolmens  are  derived  from  cave  tombs,  found  in  the  neighbouring  region,  and  in  these 
caves  the  antechamber  seems  more  apparent.  More  recently'"  he  has  compared  these 
early  dolmens  with  certain  rock-cut  tombs  at  Castellucio  near  Syracuse,  though,  if  I 
understand  him  aright,  he  would  derive  the  Sicilian  tombs  from  those  in  Portugal. 
Taking  all  the  facts  into  consideration  it  seems  more  hkely  that  the  Iberian  caves  and 
dolmens  are  derived  from  the  rock-cut  tombs  of  south-east  Sicily. 


'7  Joshua  V.  2  ;  cf.  Exodus  iv.  25.  '9  Leeds  (1920)  229. 

'8  I  Kings  vi.  7.  »  Leeds  (1922). 


54  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

As  to  the  date  of  this  trade  we  can  say  little  with  certainty  at  present.  We  have 
seen  that  objects  have  been  found  in  Spain  which  seem  to  point  to  a  connection  with 
Hissarlik  H.  In  the  temple  of  Hal  Tarxien  in  Malta  were  found  certain  carved  stones 
with  a  double  spiral  ornament",  which  exactly  resemble  some  in  the  Syracuse  museum, 
which  had  closed  some  of  the  rock-cut  tombs  near  that  city."  These  tombs  have  been 
relegated  by  Signor  Orsi  to  the  period  he  calls  Siculan  I.,  and  to  this  period  belong 
the  rock-cut  tombs  at  Castellucio,  in  one  of  which  was  found  several  pieces  of  carved 
ivory,  which  closely  resemble  a  piece  found  in  Hissarlik  IP^  This  city  was  founded 
about  2500  B.C.,  or  perhaps  some  centuries  earUer,  and  seems  to  have  been  sacked 
about  2225  B.C.**  The  trade  then  which  we  are  discussing  must  have  taken  place 
during  the  latter  half  of  the  third  millenium  B.C.,  and  in  the  hght  of  the  Babylonian 
tablet  already  quoted  may  well  have  begun  some  centuries  earlier.  How  soon  the 
trade  and  the  megalith  cult  passed  on  from  Spain  to  Brittany  and  thence  to  Ireland 
and  the  Baltic  is  uncertain,  though  it  becomes  difficult  to  fit  in  all  the  successive  cultures 
unless  we  postulate  that  megalithic  monuments  were  known  in  Denmark  and  the  south 
of  Sweden  as  early  as  2400  or  2500  B.C.  *';  in  Brittany  a  still  earlier  date  seems  to  be 
needed.  We  may  then  suggest  tentatively  that  the  Atlantic  trade  began  before  the 
close  of  the  first  half  of  the  third  millenivmi. 

All  this  seems  to  indicate  that  the  rock-cut  tomb  with  an  antechamber,  the 
fore-runner  of  the  dolmen,  came  from  Asia  ;  the  antechamber  also  occurs  in  the  Egyptian 
mastaba.  Professor  EUiot  Smith  believes  that  this  structure,  and  the  use  of  the 
antechamber,  developed  in  Egypt,'*  but  of  this  I  do  not  feel  confident.  It  may  well  have 
been  introduced  into  that  land  from  the  north-east  by  his  Giza  folk.  If  these  may  be 
identified,  as  I  think  they  may,  with  Newberry's  people,  who  introduced  wheat  and  the 
second   pre-dynastic   culture,    we   must   postulate   the   use   of   rock-cut    tombs   with 


"  Zammit  (1920)  PI.  xxxiv.  fig.  3. 

"  Sergi  {1901)  284,  fig.  78. 

>3  Peet  (1909)  204,  fig.  75  ;   D^chelette  (1908-1914)  ii.  75. 

M  Peake  (1916)  1.  169. 

»5  The  megalithic  structures  had  passed  through  several  stages  before  the  arrival  in  Jutland  of  the  single  grave 
people,  or  beaker-folk.     cf.  Sterjna  {1910). 

»«  Smithi(i9i3). 


THE  PROSPECTORS  55 

antechambers  in  Syria  before  4000  B.C.  Rock-cut  tombs  and  dolmens,  dating  from 
before  and  just  after  the  discovery  of  metal,  are  not  uncommon  in  some  parts  of  this 
region. '^ 

Some  years  ago  Professor  Fleure  was  engaged  in  a  detailed  survey  of  the  physical 
characters  of  the  present  inhabitants  of  Wales,  and  the  results  of  this  inquiry  were 
published  in  1916.*'  Among  the  many  types  noted  was  one  which  is  of  special  interest 
in  this  connection.  He  describes  it  as :  "  powerfully  built,  often  intensely  dark, 
broad-headed,  broad-faced,  strong  and  square  jawed  men  characteristic  of  the  Ardudwy 
coast,  the  south  Glamorgan  coast,  the  Newquay  district  (Cardiganshire),  Pencaer  in 
north  Pembrokeshire,  and  other  places. "*«  He  states  in  another  place  ;  "  We  found 
our  dark,  stalwart,  broad-headed  men  on  certain  coastal  patches,  often  curiously 
associated  with  megaliths  in  Wales. "^°  Later  on  he  states  that  a  similar  type  has  been 
noted  in  Ireland,  about  Wicklow,  in  South  Devon,  and  perhaps  Cornwall,  in  the  gulf 
of  Saint  Brieuc,  around  Narbonne,  in  the  Asturias  and  around  Oviedo,  on  the 
Andalusian  coast  from  Motril  to  Moguer,  in  the  guK  of  Salerno  and  thence  past  the  gulf 
of  Taranto  to  Bari,  on  the  Adriatic.^' 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  this  type  appears  to  occur  in  just  those  regions  in  which 
megahths  and  traces  of  early  mining  have  been  found.  The  inference  Fleure  has  drawn 
is  that  in  some  way  these  people  were  connected  with  the  ancient  trade  we  have  been 
discussing.^'  Though  I  cannot  find  that  he  has  pubhshed  the  fact,  Fleure  has  told  me 
that  he  has  noted  the  type  in  many  of  our  commercial  centres,  especially  in  sea-port 
towns.     It  is  not  uncommon  in  Liverpool,  especially  in  shipping  circles. 

Some  years  previous  to  the  publication  of  Fleure's  paper  I  had  noted  in  Athens, 
in  the  restaurant  at  which  I  usually  lunched,  a  type  which  I  was  unable  to  place  among 
those  described  by  Ripley.  I  noted,  too,  that  they  looked  prosperous  and  were  evidently 
well-off.     Early  in  1914  I  noted  the  same  type  in  Alexandria,  especially  common  among 

»7  Macalister  (1912)  12-20. 

»*  Fleure  and  James  {19 16). 

*»  Fleure  and  James  (1916)  117. 

V  Fleure  and  James  (1916)  137. 

3»  Fleure  and  James  (1916)  138. 

3>  Fleure  and  James  (1916)  139;  Fleure  (1918)  1.  16  ;  Fleure  (1918)  2.  222,  223. 


56  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

the  successful  Greek  cotton  merchants.  Both  these  occurrences  puzzled  me  until  in 
1916  Fleure's  paper  seemed  to  offer  an  explanation.  I  then  remembered  having  noted 
the  same  type  in  Venice  and  Florence,  and  among  the  portraits  in  both  those  cities 
of  successful  merchants  of  the  renaissance  ;  it  also  occurred  to  me  that  the  t5^e  could 
often  be  seen  in  London,  especially  in  the  city. 

When  it  became  clear  that  here  was  a  tjrpe,  not  recognised  or  described  by  any 
previous  anthropologist,  and  one,  moreover,  with  a  rather  unusual  distribution,  it  was 
felt  that  it  should  receive  a  name,  which  should  identify  it  neither  with  any  people  past 
or  present,  nor  with  any  language,  for  such  equations  would  inevitably  lead  to 
confusion,  nor  with  any  place  or  country,  for  its  place  of  origin  was  uncertain.  Since 
the  distribution  of  the  type  seemed  to  be  in  maritime  trading  centres,  or  else  in  those 
areas  which  were  connected  with  ancient  mining  or  trade,  it  was  felt  that  this  type  must 
have  been  associated  with  these  enterprises.  Taking  therefore  a  name,  commonly  used 
in  America  and  in  our  colonies  for  those  who  go  out  to  search  for  gold  or  other  precious 
metals,  we  decided  to  term  them  "  Prospectors,"  and  by  this  name  they  will  now  be  called. 

Constant  observations  since  made  on  people  of  this  t5^e  have  shown  us  that 
they  are  remarkably  clever,  especially  at  money  making,  and  that  they  engage  more 
in  trade  than  in  manufacture,  and  that  their  trade  is  commonly  in  oversea 
commodities,  when  it  is  not  in  money  itself.  The  type  seems  intermediate  between 
that  of  the  Mediterranean  and  of  the  Alpine,  and  suggests  a  cross,  but  the  great 
stature  which  is  sometimes,  though  not  invariably,  found  among  them  suggested  that 
the  cross  was  probably  between  the  Mediterranean  and  the  eastern  Alpine  or  Anatohan 
type,  rather  than  with  the  short  and  stumpy  western  Alpine.  It  was  felt  that  they 
had  reached  the  west  and  north  from  somewhere  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean  region," 
as  had  in  all  probabiUty  the  cult  of  megahthic  monuments,  and  certainly  the  knowledge 
of  metals.     Further  than  this  it  was  not  possible  to  trace  them. 

Now,  as  has  already  been  noted,  the  Prospector  type  has  been  noticed  not 
uncommonly  in  Florence,  both  among  the  present  population  and  in  the  fifteenth 
century  portraits.    A  glance  at  some  of  the  pictures  on  the  Etruscan  tombs,'*  and  the 

33  Fleure  and  James  (1916)  139  ;  Fleure  (1918)  1.  16 ;   Fleure  (1918)  2.  222,  223. 

34  Dennis  (1883)  i.  261  ;  ii.  332 ;    Taylor  (1874)  94  ;  Lovett-Cameron  (1909)  188. 


THE  PROSPECTORS  57 

portrait  statuettes  on  the  alabaster  sarcophagi,  shows  us  a  t3T)e  corresponding  very 
closely  to  Fleure's  description. 

The  Etruscans  are  a  mysterious  people,  and  various  views  which  have  been 
expressed  as  to  their  origin  have  led  to  no  httle  confusion  of  thought.  Leaving  out 
of  account  such  evidence  as  may  have  come  down  from  the  neoUthic  and  early  bronze 
ages,  we  find,  according  to  tradition,  that  the  Etruscans  arrived  from  Asia  Minor, 
probably  in  the  eleventh  century  B.C.,  or  perhaps  a  little  later."  About  800  B.C.  we 
have  archaeological  evidence  of  the  arrival  of  another  people  from  the  north,  who 
settled  near  Bologna,  where  they  developed  a  culture  known  as  that  of  Villa-Nova.  The 
Etruscans  and  the  Villa-Nova  people  certainly  exchanged  products,  and  may  have  to 
some  extent  amalgamated.  Later  traditions  suggest  that  the  Etruscans  extended  their 
empire  over  the  Villa-Nova  area  and  to  the  south  as  well,^*  but  this,  while  true  in  one 
sense,  may  give  a  very  wrong  impression. 

I  would  suggest  that  the  Etruscans  proper,  the  Etruscus  obesus  of  the  Latin 
writers,  were  the  people  who  so  closely  resemble  our  Prospectors,  and  the  fact  that 
they  are  said  to  have  come  from  the  east,  agrees  weU  with  this  view.  The  Prospectors, 
wherever  we  meet  them,  are  merchants  and  business  men,  and  not  the  kind  of  men  to 
lead  warlike  expeditions,  or  to  bring  all  Italy  within  their  empire.  On  the  other  hand, 
as  I  hope  to  show  in  subsequent  chapters,  the  men  responsible  for  the  Villa-Nova  culture 
were  a  warhke,  conquering  type,  given  to  imperial  expansion,  and  it  is  far  more  likely 
that  if  one  or  other  were  the  conqueror  it  would  be  the  men  of  Villa-Nova. 

That  such  was  the  case  seems  to  be  indicated  by  the  frescoes  in  a  tomb,  a  copy  of 
which  is  on  view  in  the  garden  of  the  Etruscan  museum  at  Florence.  In  these  we  find 
depicted  a  country  house,  with  domestic  scenes,  and  a  portrait  of  the  owner,  a  fair 
man  with  a  narrow  face,  blue  eyes  and  brown  beard,  wearing  a  fox-skin  head-dress. 
This  man  is  totally  unlike  the  Etruscus  obesus  of  most  of  the  other  tomb  paintings,  and 
seems  to  be  of  that  fair  Nordic  type,  which,  as  I  hope  to  show,  formed  the  ruhng  caste, 
at  any  rate,  of  the  Villa-Nova  people.  It  seems  probable,  too,  that  the  bodies  buried 
in  the  Reguhni-Galassi  and  other  warrior  tombs  were  also  of  this  type.^'     All  this  seems 

35  Dennis  (1883)  i.  xxxv. ;  Herodotus  i.  94. 

5'  Dennis  '(1883)  i.  xxviii.,  who  quotes  various  Latin  writers. 

37  Dennis  (1883)  i.  37,  264-269,  388,  413,  414,  455. 


58  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

to  suggest  that  the  Villa-Nova  people  at  one  time  conquered  Etniria,  then  extended 
their  empire  as  far  south  as  Naples  and  Pompeii.    The  Etruscan  prospectors  would 
not  have  been  averse  to  this  extension  of  the  dominions  of  their  war-lords,  as  their 
trade  was  doubtless  increased  thereby. 

But  it  may  be  argued  that  megaUthic  monuments  are  not  to  be  found  in  Tuscany, 
though  it  was  once  said  that  this  was  the  case.^*  This,  of  course,  is  true,  but  the 
Etruscans  are  beUeved  not  to  have  entered  Italy  until  after  iioo  B.C.,  when  such 
erections  were  in  most  places  obsolete.  Some  of  the  earUest  of  the  Etruscan  tombs, 
however,  look  as  though  they  had  developed  from  the  dolmen  form,^'  though  they 
are  made  of  well-wrought  stone,  rock-cut  tombs  are  of  common  occurrence,  and  dry 
polygonal  walUng,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  often  occurs  in  megalithic  areas,  is  not 
uncommon,^"  and  there  is  a  very  fine  example  of  this  work  at  Fiesole. 

Morris  Jastrow  junior,*'  in  studying  the  rehgion  of  Babylonia,  was  struck  with 
certain  resemblances  between  the  religious  practices  of  that  country  and  those  in 
vogue  in  Etruria.  Here  I  wiU  only  mention  three  points  :  the  Sumerians,  Uke  the 
Etruscans,  hved  in  city  states ;  the  Sumerians  were  governed  by  priestly  magistrates 
known  as  Patesi,  while  the  Etruscans  had  similar  officials  called  Lucumons  ;  lastly 
both  peoples  were  addicted  to  the  practice  of  hepatoscopy,  or  the  art  of  divining  by 
means  of  sheeps'  hvers,  and  made  models  of  the  livers  to  aid  their  students.  Such 
models  have  been  found  in  Sumer  and  Etruria,  and  nowhere  else  except  at  Boghaz 
Keui,  on  the  Halys,  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Hittites. 

Relatively  few  sculptured  figures  of  the  Sumerians  have  come  down  to  us,  but 
those  which  have  been  found  show  us  a  sturdy  people,  not  very  tall,  short  in  the  neck 
and  with  broad  heads,*'  and  some  of  the  Etruscan  tomb  paintings  resemble  fairly  closely 
some  of  the  Sumerian  reUefs.*'  Besides  this  some  of  the  small  statuettes  brought  by 
M.  de  Morgan  from  Susa,**  show  us  heads  which  bear  a  close  resemblance  to  those 

38  Dennis  (1883)  ii.  458  ;  but  see  Peet  (1912)  76. 

39  Dennis  (1883)  ii.  275. 

40  Dennis  (1883)  ii.  116. 

4'  Jastrow  {191 1)  147-206,  but  specially  192  ;  see  also  Modestov  (1907)  388ff.,  who  quotes  Cara  (1894-1902)  iii.  338. 

4>  King  (1910)  figs.  20,  23,  24,  39  40,  44,  45  ;  Langdon  (1920).     PI.  xi.  fig.  i  ;  PI.  xii.  fig.  9. 

«  Dennis  (1883)  i.  261,  ii.  332. 

44  Morgan  (1905)  PI.  xv.,  xvi.,  xxiii. 


THE  PROSPECTORS  59 

found  on  the  Etruscan  alabaster  sarcophagi.  It  is  a  far  cry  from  Etruria  to  Sumer, 
but  tradition  brings  the  Etruscans  from  Asia  Minor,  and  Boghaz  Keui  may  have  been 
an  intermediate  station,  though  probably  not  the  only  one.  But  we  have  seen  that  the 
Babylonians  were  engaged  in  trading  for  tin  in  the  Mediterranean  region  in  2800  B.C., 
so  that  it  is  not  altogether  impossible  that  the  Prospectors  may  have  come  in  the  first 
instance  from  the  Persian  gulf,  where  they  had  been  known  as  Sumerians,  though  it  is, 
of  course,  possible  that  the  Prospector  was  not  the  only  element  of  that  population. 

A  very  natural  reply  to  such  a  suggestion  is  that  megalithic  monuments  do  not 
occur  in  Sumer,  or,  as  I  should  prefer  to  state  it,  have  not  yet  been  observed  near  the 
Persian  gulf.  Such  absence  is  not,  however,  fatal  to  our  hypothesis.  As  we  have 
seen  it  seems  hkely  that  the  dolmen  is  derived  from  the  rock-cut  tomb,  and  such 
tombs,  and  dolmens  too,  occur  in  Syria.  As  yet  we  know  little  about  the  tombs  of 
Mesopotamia  before  3000  B.C.,  and  still  less  of  their  contents  ;  we  may  yet  find  in  that 
region  some  sepulchre,  perhaps  built  of  sun-dried  brick,  perhaps  of  slabs  of  stone,  which 
bears  a  closer  resemblance  to  the  dolmen  than  does  the  Egyptian  mastaba. 

The  contention  is  that  several  lines  of  evidence  point  to  the  Sumerians,  or  certain 
groups  of  them,  as  being  the  traders  who  travelled  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Atlantic 
coast  of  Europe  in  search  of  precious  metals,  and  who  are  somehow  responsible  for  the 
spread  of  the  megalithic  culture.  Now,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Prospector  is  normally 
a  merchant,  we  do  not  find  him  as  a  rule  among  miners  and  sailors,  yet  sailors  must 
have  accompanied  these  expeditions,  and  perhaps  skilled  miners  also  in  some  cases. 
It  may  be  that  the  cult  of  the  dolmen,  or  the  rock-cut  tomb  which  preceded  it, 
belonged  to  one  or  other  of  these  humbler  peoples,  perhaps  recruited  from  the  coast 
of  Syria.  Or  it  may  be,  again,  that  the  Prospector,  being  unable  to  bury  his  dead 
after  the  fashion  customary  by  the  Persian  Gulf,  devised  another  plan  more  convenient 
for  use  in  strange  lands.  The  latter  is,  I  am  inclined  to  think,  the  more  likely  solution, 
since  dolmens  and  other  megalithic  structures  are  found  all  round  Sumer,  in  Syria  and 
Palestine  to  the  west^',  in  the  Crimea  and  the  Caucasus.**  Stone  circles  are  found  to  the 
east  in  Seistan*',  while  both  these  and  dolmens  occur  further  east  in  India. 

45  Peet  (1912)  115-118  ;  Macalister  (1912)  17,  18  ;  Fergusson  (1872)  438-445. 
4'  Peet  (1912)  114  ;    Morgan  (1894)  i.  261-266. 
47  Pumpelly  (1905)  114. 


^ 


60  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

Time  will  show  whether  the  suggestion,  which  I  have  put  forward,  that  the 
Prospectors,  who  seem  to  have  been  responsible  for  introducing  the  use  of  metal  into  the 
west  and  north,  to  which  they  came  in  search  of  precious  ores,  started  originally  from  the 
Persian  Gulf,  or  whether,  indeed  they  were  but  sojourners  in  southern  Mesopotamia, 
having  arrived  there  by  sea  from  some  more  distant  land,  bringing  with  them  the  seeds 
of  civiUsation,  as  the  legends  of  Oannes,  the  exalted  fish-man,  as  given  by  Berosus,  seem 
to  indicates."* 

Be  this  as  it  may,  there  seems  to  be  adequate  evidence  of  a  trade,  starting  in  the 
eastern  Mediterranean  and  going  first  to  Malta  and  Sicily,  and  thence  to  Spain,  Brittany, 
the  British  Isles  and  the  Baltic.  That  the  prime  object  of  such  trade  was  the  procuring 
of  gold,  copper,  tin  and  amber,  seems  equally  certain,  as  does  the  fact  that  megaUthic 
monuments  are  found  associated  with  all  the  sites  whence  these  commodities  could 
be  obtained,  as  well  as  upon  the  land  routes  connecting  them.  Further,  a  certain  tj^ 
of  man,  whom  we  term  the  Prospector,  is  found  hving  in  no  small  numbers  in  most  of 
these  megalithic  areas,  as  well  as  becoming  a  successful  merchant  at  many  of  the  sea-port 
towns  of  Europe.  Lastly  we  have  seen  that  this  trade,  then  in  the  hands  of  Babylonians, 
had  reached  the  Mediterranean  by  2800  B.C.,  was  in  touch  with  Malta,  Sicily  and  Spain 
between  2600  and  2300  B.C.,  and  scarcely  later  had  reached  Brittany,  Ireland  and 
the  Baltic. 

Thus  it  seems  clear  that  the  Prospectors,  in  search  of  metal,  reached  Celtic  lands, 
where  their  descendants  may  yet  be  found.  What  language  they  spoke  is  uncertain ; 
it  may  have  been  aUied  to  Etruscan  or  to  Sumerian.  But  judging  from  their 
cosmopolitan  habits,  one  may  surmise  that  they  were  polyglot,  and  adopted  the  language 
of  the  country  in  which  they  settled.  We  can,  then,  hardly  expect  to  detect  any 
survivals  of  the  Prospector  tongue  in  the  modem  Celtic  languages,  unless  undeed  it  be  some 
loan  words  connected  with  the  metal  trade. 


4«  King  (1910)  53. 


Chapter  V 
THE    CELTIC    CRADLE 

WE  have  seen  that  there  is  good  reason  for  suspecting  that  it  was  from  the 
mountain  zone  of  Central  Europe,  which  we  have  decided  to  call  the  Celtic 
Cradle,  that  the  Celtic  tongues  spread  over  the  west,  and  now  that  we  have 
traced  the  movements  of  foreign  influences  into  Celtic  lands  during  the  earUer  phases  of 
the  bronze  age,  we  must  inquire  what  was  happening  meanwhile  in  this  Alpine  cradle. 

It  was  about  6000  B.C.  that  the  Ofnet  race  had  arrived  in  this  region,  where  they 
had  mingled  with  some  remnants  of  the  Combe  Capelle  race,  thus  producing,  it  is  • — 
thought,  the  Alpine  type,  which  we  find  dominant  in  the  mountains  to-day.  We  have 
found  reason  for  believing  that  further  waves  of  Alpines,  coming  it  is  beUeved  from 
the  Armenian  highlands,  had  arrived  by  4000  B.C.,  and  that  these  had  brought  with  them 
domesticated  animals,  the  germs  of  agriculture,  and  a  few  fruits,  such  as  the  apple, 
plum  and  cherry.* 

These  people  settled  down  in  the  mountain  valleys,  by  the  margins  of  the  lakes, 
or  more  often  at  their  heads,  where  broad  expanses  of  marsh  produced  luxurious  crops  of 
grass  ;  this  could  be  converted  into  hay,  with  which  to  feed  their  cattle  during  the  long, 
snow-bound  winters.  On  the  harder  slopes  above  they  tilled  their  patches  of  grain  and 
planted  their  orchards,  while  for  security  from  the  bears  and  wolves  which  infested 
the  forest-clad  mountains,  they  built  their  dwellings  upon  piles  in  the  marshes,  or  in  the 
shallow  waters  of  the  lakes.  Thus  they,  and  their  cattle,  which  were  stalled  in  the 
same  dweUings,'  could  be  safe  from  the  attacks  of  wild  beasts,  or  the  more  adventurous 
and  less  scrupulous  of  their  neighbours. 


»  Schenk  (1912)  188. 

»  Keller  (1866)  57,  297. 

61 


62  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

Remains  of  such  pile-dwellings  have  been  found  throughout  all  the  mountain 
zone,  from  Geneva  and  Neuchatel  in  Switzerland,  and  Annecy  and  Bourget  in  Savoy,'  to 
Laibach  in  Camiola  on  the  edge  of  the  Hungarian  plain.*  We  learn,  too,  from  classical 
writers  that  similar  pUe  dweUings  existed  in  Paeonia,'  probably  in  Lake  Beshika  north  of 
Salonika,  as  well  as  in  Asia  Minor.*  This  is  additional  proof,  if  that  were  needed,  of 
the  route  by  which  these  people  had  arrived  in  Europe. 

Several  anthropologists  have  made  a  study  of  the  mental  characters  of  these 
Alpine  people,  and,  although  these  studies  have  been  made  for  the  most  part  in  France, 
the  description  holds  good  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  Alpine  region.  These  have  thus 
been  summed  up  by  Ripley:' 

"  A  certain  passivity,  or  patience,  is  characteristic  of  the  Alpine  peasantry.  This 
is  true  all  the  way  from  north-western  Spain,  where  Tubino  notes  its  degeneration  into 
morosity  in  the  peasantry,  as  far  as  Russia,  where  the  great  inert  Slavic  horde  of 
north-eastern  Europe  submits  with  abject  resignation  to  the  poUtical  despotism  of 
the  house  of  the  Romanoffs.  ...  As  a  rule  ...  the  Alpine  type  makes  a 
comfortable  and  contented  neighbour,  a  resigned  and  peaceful  subject.  .  .  .  The 
most  persistent  attribute  to  the  Alpine  Celt  is  his  extreme  attachment  to  the  soil,  or, 
perhaps,  better,  to  locaUty.  He  seems  to  be  a  sedentary  t5^e  par  excellence ;  he 
seldom  migrates,  except  after  great  provocation ;  so  that,  once  settled,  he  clings  to  his 
patrimony  through  all  persecution,  chmatic  or  hmnan.  If  he  migrates  to  the  cities, 
.     .     .    he  generally  returns  home  to  the  country  to  spend  his  last  days  in  peace." 

Ripley  says  that  they  are  socially  conservative,  and  this  is  true  in  the  sense  that 
they  dishke  change  ;  but  an  examination  of  the  constitution  of  their  villages  leads  one 
to  beUeve  that  they  are  very  democratic  and,  in  fact,  inclined  to  communism,  though 
this  tendency  is  usually  confined  to  village  affairs,  and  rarely  penetrates  national 
poUtics.  It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  Soviet  Russia  is  mainly  Alpine,  and 
that  Marx  came  from  the  Alpine  zone. 

3  Keller  (i866)  ;  Munro  (1890) ;  Schenk  (1912). 

4  Smid  (1908),  (1909)  117-126  ;  other  authorities  are  cited  in  fn.  p.  118. 

5  Herodotus  v.  16 

*  Hippocrates  xxxvii. 
1  Ripley  (1900)  549,  550. 


THE  CELTIC  CRADLE  63 

Thus  we  find  that  these  people  were  patient,  plodding,  and  hard-working,*  while 
the  long,  snow-bound  winters  had  encouraged  habits  of  thrift,  for  it  was  necessary  to 
provide  during  the  summer  a  sufficient  store  of  food  to  last  through  the  cold  weather. 
They  were  not  hunters,  and  in  no  sense  sportsmen,  and  seem  to  have  been  lacking  in 
the  spirit  of  adventure.  They  feared  the  waste  and  its  wild  inhabitants,  and  lived  in 
their  self-contained  villages,  with  the  drawbridge  up,  and  had  little  contact  with  their 
neighbours.  As  we  have  seen,  they  were  extremely  democratic  in  their  outlook, 
probably  with  a  strong  tendency  to  conununism,  and  they  shared  everything  in  common, 
perhaps  even  their  wives.' 

During  the  early  days  of  these  lake-dweUings,  in  what  is  known  as  the  Archaic 
period,  there  seems  to  have  been  httle  to  disturb  their  peace,'"  for  the  remnants  of 
Combe  CapeUe  man  seem  to  have  become  extinct  or  to  have  merged  with  the  rest  of 
the  population.  But  towards  the  close  of  the  second  period,  that  called  the  Robenhausen, 
about  3000  B.C.,  or  perhaps  rather  later,  there  is  evidence  of  the  appearance  of 
intruders  into  this  region. 

The  newcomers  were  few  in  number,  and  seem  to  have  arrived  from  the  north 
up  the  Rhine  valley.  From  the  skeletons  found  in  the  tombs  of  this  period  we  find  that 
they  were  tall,  long-headed  men,  with  strongly  marked  eye-brow  ridges,  and  bear  a 
close  resemblance  to  those  tall,  fair-headed,  grey-eyed  men,  who  are  still  dominant  in  the 
north  of  Europe,  and  who  are  known  to  anthropologists  as  the  Nordic  race." 

Such  were  the  people  of  the  mountain  zone  during  neolithic  times,  and  it  is 
possible  that  the  inhabitants  of  Hungary  were  similar  in  tj^e,  though  the  long-headed 
race  seems  to  have  appeared  here  earUer.  It  is  true  that  we  have  few  remains  from 
the  Hungarian  plain  which  we  can  attribute  with  certainty  to  this  period,  but  the 
broad  skuU  found  at  Nagy-sap  belongs,  in  all  probabiUty,  to  this  time,  though  a  greater 
age  has  been  claimed  for  it."     Perhaps  the  few  facts  available  would  be  better  explained 

8  In  this  connection  compare  the  thrifty  Paeonian  maiden  mentioned  by  Herodotus  v.  12,  13. 

9  Peake  (1922)  1.  30,  31,  54,  55,  and  for  a  late  survival  of  communal  marriage,  Kovalevsky  (1891). 
JO  Schenk  (1912)  191,  544. 

"  Schenk  (1912)  460,  461,  544. 
"  Keith  (1915)  2.  18. 


64  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

by  supposing  that  the  Alpines  occupied  the  whole  mountain  zone,  and  the  mountainous 
regions  surrounding  the  Hungarian  plain,  and  that  about  3000  b.c.  Nordic  intruders 
entered  Switzerland  from  the  Rhine  Basin,  and  the  plain  of  Hungary,  perhaps,  through 
the  Moravian  gate. 

As  we  pass  eastwards  from  the  Carpathians  the  rainfall  becomes  less  and  the 
woodland  disappears  ;  we  enter  the  steppe  lands  which  reach  far  into  Asia.  This 
steppe  occupies  the  whole  of  the  Rumanian  plain,  and  north  of  the  Dniester  runs  in 
a  belt,  fifty  miles  wide,  as  far  west  as  Lemberg.  West  of  this  lie  large  stretches  of 
glacial  sands  and  gravels,  which  must  have  carried  an  open  heath  vegetation,  and  so 
almost  continuous  open  land  stretched  at  the  northern  foot  of  the  Carpathians  from 
Odessa  by  Lemberg  and  Cracow  to  Breslau.'^ 

In  this  open  region,  bounded  on  the  east  by  the  Dnieper  and  on  the  north  by  the 
Pohsh  forest,  we  find  at  the  time  which  we  are  discussing  a  very  peculiar  culture ; 
this  has  been  called  the  Tripolje  culture,'^  from  the  site  near  Kief  where  it  was  first 
discovered.  The  people  responsible  for  this  culture  Uved  in  pit-dwellings,  and  set 
aside  certain  "  areas  "  for  the  disposal  of  their  dead.  Usually,  if  not  invariably,  they 
burnt  their  dead  and  placed  the  ashes  in  urns,  which  they  deposited  in  these  areas,  but 
it  has  been  said  that  they  sometimes  buried  the  corpses,  though  no  descriptions  of  such 
skeletons  have  appeared.  They  made  vast  quantities  of  pottery,  much  of  it  painted, 
some  of  it  incised,  but  they  were  ignorant  of  the  potter's  wheel.  They  cultivated  the 
land,  at  any  rate  during  their  later  phase,  for  half-cooked  com  has  been  found  among 
their  remains. 

This  culture  is  found  throughout  south-western  Russia,  south  of  the  Pripet 
marshes,  and  west  of  the  Dnieper ;  it  is  sometimes  found  extending,  too,  east  of 
that  river  in  the  governments  of  Chernigov  and  Poltava.  Southward  it  is  found 
throughout  the  steppe  region  of  Rumania,  while  westward  it  extends  through  the 
open  country  as  far  as  Breslau.  Pottery  somewhat  resembUng  that  of  the  Tripolje 
culture  has  been  found  in  Serbia,  Thrace,  Thessaly  and  the  north-west  comer  of 
Asia  Minor. 

>3  Vidal  de  la  Blache  in  Lavisse  (1896)  I.  i.  30-39,  map  facing  p.  34. 
M  Minns  (1913)  133-140. 


THE  CELTIC  CRADLE 


65 


FIG.    2. 

POTSHERD  FROM  KOSZYLOWSCE, 
GALICIA. 


The  Tripolje  culture  is  of  two  types,  known  as  A  and  B.     Judging  by  the  pottery, 

and  the  terracotta  figures  of  women,  which  are  fairly  common  on  both  types  of  sites, 

the  B'  culture  is  the  more  advanced.  On  the  other 
hand  no  metal  has  been  found  on  these  sites,  while 
copper  axes  and  perforated  stone  axes  are  not 
uncommon  on  the  sites  exhibiting  A  culture. 

When  this  culture  was  first  discovered,  it 
was  beheved  by  some  that  here  we  had  the  origin 
of  the  early  painted  wares  of  Greece  and  Crete," 
but  later  on  the  discoveries  at  Cnossos  showed  that 
at  that  place  painted  pottery  had  developed  from 
plain  and  incised  wares ;  it  was  also  noticed  that 
the  shapes  of  the  pots  at  these  sites  were  funda- 
mentally different.       So   all   idea  of  a  connection 

between  these  two  industries  was   abandoned.     There  is,   however,   in   the  Newbury 

Museum  a  potsherd  of  Tripolje  ware,  from  Koszylowsce  in  Galicia,  which  bears  a  very 

striking  resemblance  to  another  of  the  second  early  Minoan 

period,  from  the  tholos  at  Haghia  Triada  in  Crete,  figured 

by  Mosso.'*    It  may  be,  after  all,  that,  while  the  suggestion 

that  the  Tripolje  ceramic  is  ancestral  to  that   of  Crete  is 

erroneous,  there  may  have  been  some  connection  and  mutual 

borrowing.    This  resemblance   and  the  presence   of   copper 

axes    during    period  A  suggests   that  there  had  been  trade 

relations,  either  direct  or  indirect,    between  Crete  and  the  fig.  3. 

north-western  shore  of  the  Euxine,  between  2600  and    2400     ^°^^'  decorated  with  red 

LINES,     DISCOVERED    IN     THE 

B.C.,  and  this  fits  in  very  well  with  the  trade  between  Egypt     great  "tholos"  of  haghia 
and  Transylvania,  about  3200  B.C.,  to   which  reference  was  triada. 

1^1        T^  ■       T  <•   1^  A  (From  Moeso's  "Dawn  of 

made  m  chapter  III.     The  Tripolje  settlements  of  Type  A       Mediterranean  civiUsation.") 
belong,  therefore,  to  a  period  which  closed  certainly  as  early 

as  2400  and  perhaps  as  early  as  2600  B.C.     For  some  reason,  it  would  appear,  this 
trade  came  to  an  end  about  this  time,  and  the  importation  of  copper  axes  ceased. 


:/ 


«5  Stern  (1906). 


«'  Mosso  (1910)  112,  fig.  67. 


66  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

The  cause  of  this  interruption  is  uncertain,  but  it  is  perhaps  permissible  to  suggest  that 
the  inhabitants  of  HissarUk  IL,  like  their  successors  in  Hissarlik  VL,  held  the  straits 
and  so  restricted  the  traffic  through  it  as  to  kill  it.  The  disappearance  of  the  type  A. 
culture  must  certainly  be  equated  approximately  with  the  rise  of  HissarUk  IL,  for,  as 
we  shall  see,  the  disappearance  of  Type  B.  culture  practically  synchronises  with  the 
destruction  of  that  city. 

As  we  have  seen  this  people  usually,  and  perhaps  invariably  cremated  their  dead, 
for  the  skeletons  referred  to  by  M.  Chvojka,''  may  not  have  belonged  to  this  period  ;  in 
any  case  they  have  not  been  described.  We  have,  therefore,  no  direct  evidence  of 
their  physical  characters  and  racial  affinities.  Some  years  ago  Sir  Arthur  Keith,'* 
discussing  the  origin  of  the  "  Bronze  age  invaders  of  Britain,"  a  people  which  I  shall 
describe  in  the  next  chapter  by  the  name  of  the  Beaker-folk,  argued  with  much  force 
that  they  must  have  set  out  from  GaUcia.  As  they  reached  Britain  about  or  perhaps 
before  2000  B.C.,  they  must  have  left  GaUcia  stiU  earUer,  that  is  to  say  about  the  time 
that  Tripolje  settlements  of  type  B.  came  to  an  end.  For  this  reason  I  argued  in  igi6'' 
that  the  Tripolje  culture  was  due  to  the  Beaker-folk,  and  I  see  no  reason  to-day  to 
change  my  mind. 

Now  the  Beaker-folk,  often  called  Bronze  Age  or  Round  Barrow  men,  are  rather 
tall,  strongly  built,  and  with  rather  broad  heads.  They  have  often  been  termed  Alpine, 
but  as  Keith  has  shown,  they  differ  in  many  important  particulars  from  the  tj^jical 
Alpines  in  the  mountain  zone.  The  difference  Ues  mainly  in  this  :  they  are  taUer, 
more  robust,  their  cranial  index  is  lower,  seldom  rising  above  84,  while  the  conspicuous 
flattening  of  the  occiput  is  absent.'" 

These  characters  suggest  a  cross  between  the  Alpine  and  Nordic  types,  and  this 
is  a  possible  solution,  as  they  Ue  midway  between  the  Alpines  of  the  mountain  zone 
and  another  people,  to  be  described  next,  who  occupied  the  steppe  lands  to  the  east, 
and  who  closely  resemble  the  Nordic  type.  On  the  other  hand  the  Beaker-folk  type 
seems  to  have  remained  fairly  uniform,  so  that,  if  it  is  a  cross,  it  is  a  stable  cross,  which 

'7  Chvojka  (1904)  223,  quoted  by  Minns  (1913)  140. 

•»  Keith  (1915)  2.  21. 

■9  Peake  (1916)  1.  165,  166. 

"  Keith  (1915)  2.  13.  i 


THE  CELTIC  CRADLE  67 

suggests  that  it  is  one  of  long  standing.  It  may  be,  then,  that  we  should  consider  it 
rather  as  a  cross  between  the  broad-headed  Ofnet  type,  and  some  long-headed 
palseoHthic  race,  such  as  that  of  Combe  Capelle. 

On  the  steppe  lands  east  of  the  Dnieper,  and  stretching  thence  to  the  confines 
of  Asia,  and  apparently  beyond  into  Turkestan,  we  find  evidence  of  another  people, 
who  are  of  great  importance  to  our  problem."  Unfortunately  we  know  less  of  them 
than  we  could  wish,  for  many  of  their  remains  have  come  to  light  as  the  result  of 
unscientific  digging,  and  the  few  results  of  expert  exploration  have  been  meagrely 
pubhshed  in  very  unaccessible  proceedings.  These  people  buried  their  dead  in  barrows, 
or  kurgans,  and  for  this  reason  they  have  been  called  Kurgan  people.*'  This  name, 
however,  is  open  to  objection,  as  several  other  folk  at  different  times  have  buried  in 
kurgans  throughout  this  region.  The  chief  pecuUarity  of  the  people  I  am  dealing  with 
is  that  they  buried  their  dead  in  a  contracted  position,  and  that  skeletons  have  been 
found  thickly  covered  with  red  ochre.  For  this  reason  some  writers  have  called  them  red 
skeleton  men  or  nomad  red  men.'^  This  again  is  not  quite  a  satisfactory  term,  and 
I  have  suggested  in  its  place  steppe-folk  or  nomad  steppe-folk.'^ 

The  graves  of  these  men  were  poorly  furnished.  They  contained  usually  a  few 
stone  or  bone  implements  and  a  certain  type  of  pot  with  a  hemispherical  base.  The 
evidence  available  a  few  years  ago  led  to  the  beUef  that  they  were  in  a  neohthic  condition 
and  totally  ignorant  of  the  use  of  metal,  but  some  recent  discoveries  at  Maikop,  in  the 
Koban  basin,  disclosed  a  considerable  number  of  objects  of  gold  and  silver.  From  this 
and  similar  finds  Rostovtzeff''  has  argued  that  these  steppe-folk  were  responsible  for 
a  considerable  civilisation  ;  but,  taking  into  account  the  poverty  displayed  by  most 
of  their  burials,  I  am  disposed  to  think  of  them  as  still  Uving  in  a  neohthic  state,  but 
sometimes  raiding  the  richer  and  more  advanced  civilisations  to  the  south,  which  had 
long  reached  a  chalcoUthic  stage.  Rostovtzeff  is  probably  right  in  attributing  the 
Maikop  discoveries  to  the  early  part  of  the  third  millenium,  which  brings  them  within 
the  period  we  are  discussing. 

«  Minns  {1913)  142-145;  Zaborowski  (1895)  125-130,  134-135  ;  Rostovtzefi  {1920)  60,  109-111, 

"  Myres  (1906)  541. 

»3  Minns  (1913)  142. 

»4  Peake  (1916)  1.  163  fn. 

»J  Rostovtzeff  (1920)   no. 


68  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

That  these  people  were  nomads  seems  clear  from  the  little  evidence  we  possess 
and  from  the  poverty  of  their  tombs  and  the  absence  of  dweUing  sites.  We  have,  in 
one  grave  at  least,  evidence  that  they  possessed  the  horse,*'  and  since  the  grassy 
steppe  lands  are  the  home  of  wild  cattle,  we  shall  not  be  far  wrong  in  believing  that 
they  were  by  this  time  passing  from  a  hunting  to  a  pastoral  stage.  They  were,  in 
fact,  owners  of  large  bands  of  cattle,  which,  Uke  cow-boys,  they  drove  from  pasture 
to  pasture. 

Professor  Myres  has  argued  for  a  very  wide  distribution  of  these  people,  in  fact 
from  the  Elbe  to  Tobolsk,  and  southwards  to  Bosnia  and  Thrace.*'  Some  of  these 
extensions  seem,  as  we  shall  see,  to  date  from  a  later  period,  and  during  the  time  which 
we  are  discussing,  roughly  the  period  of  HissarUk  H.,  the  bulk  of  them  seem  to  have 
been  restricted  to  the  steppe  regions  east  of  the  Dnieper,  though  they  roamed  the 
belt  of  parkland  lying  to  the  north,  and  perhaps  even  penetrated  the  dense  woodland 
beyond.  How  far  they  had  extended  eastward  is  uncertain,  but,  as  we  shsdl  see  in  the 
next  chapter,  their  more  distant  excursions  in  this  direction  may  well  have  been  later. 

We  know  something  of  their  physical  type.  Bogdanov  tells  us  that  they  were 
a  robust  race,  with  a  large  and  long  head,  an  elongated  face,  and,  according  to  some 
examples,  with  hair  more  or  less  fair.*'  The  colour  of  the  hair  has  been  disputed,  as 
there  is  a  tendency  for  hair  in  graves  to  become  pale.  The  cranial  index  is  not  quite 
certain.  Sergi  states  that  it  varies  from  65  to  81,*'  but  it  seems  Ukely  that  among 
his  collection  of  kurgan  skulls  are  some  of  other  types.  Bogdanov  tells  us  that  in  the 
kurgans  to  the  west  of  the  area  several  broad  skulls  occur,  but  with  less  robust 
skeletons,  and  the  average  index  is  higher.  This  may  be  due  to  admixture  with  Alpine 
or  Beaker  types.  In  the  north,  too,  as  one  approaches  the  middle  valley  of  the  Volga, 
the  broad  type  appears  also ;  in  this  case  I  have  suggested  that  it  is  due  to  admixture 
with  a  Mongoloid  type  which  was  already  occupying  this  region.^"  From  the  kurgans 
at  Souja,^'  in  the  government  of  Kursk,  where  the  steppe  lands  reach  further  north  than 
elsewhere,   came  twenty-three  skulls  which    showed    singular    uniformity ;    nineteen 

»«  Zaborowski  (1895)  310.  »»  Sergi  (1908)  309-316. 

>7  Myres  (1906)  542.  so  Peake  (1919)  i97- 

'»  Bogdanov  (1892).  J'  Bogdanov  (1892)  4. 


THE  CELTIC  CRADLE  69 

of  these  were  markedly  long  headed,  and  the  remainder,  belonging  to  three  women  and  a 
child,  only  a  trifle  less  so.  It  is  possible  that  a  considerable  variation  of  head-form 
existed  among  these  people,  especially  on  the  outskirts  of  their  region,  where  they 
seem  to  have  come  into  contact  with  more  broad-headed  neighbours.  But  Bogdanov 
is  probably  right  in  concluding  that  the  pure  type  was  a  long-headed  one,  though  the 
skulls  seem  not  to  have  been  so  narrow  as  was  frequently  the  case  among  the 
Mediterranean  peoples  of  the  west.  Normally  the  length-breadth  index  seems  to  have 
varied  from  73  to  76  though  both  higher  and  lower  indices  have  sometimes  been  found. 

The  most  striking  feature  about  this  people  is  the  custom  of  covering  the 
skeleton,  or  the  body,  with  red  ochre. ^"  It  has  been  suggested  that  this  arose  from 
the  body  being  buried  in  clothes  and  cap  of  skin,  deeply  impregnated  with  this  pigment. 
This  custom  is  widespread,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  was  not  uncommon  in  the  upper 
palaeolithic  age,  being  found  at  the  beginning  of  the  Aurignacian  period  in  the  case  of 
the  Grimaldi  skeletons  foimd  buried  in  the  Grotte  des  enfants.  We  seem  here  to  be  in 
the  presence  of  the  survival  of  a  custom  which  dates  from  the  times  of  Aurignac. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  during  the  closing  phases  of  the  Aurignacian  period 
the  Combe  Capelle  type  makes  its  appearance  in  western  Europe,  and  about  the  same 
time  arrived  the  horse,  which  was  hunted  for  food.  A  little  later,  when  steppe 
conditions  had  become  better  established  in  the  west,  we  have  the  great  Solutrean  invasion 
which  drove  the  artistes  of  the  Dordogne  to  the  Pyrenees.  The  Combe  Capelle  type 
seems  to  have  been  predominant  during  this  period,  and  the  Briinn  skeletons,  one  of  which 
was  of  this  t5^e,  were  covered  with  red  ochre.''  As  the  cUmate  deteriorated,  and 
tundra  conditions  prevailed,  the  Solutrean  invaders  departed,  apparently  to  the  east. 

Until  a  large  number  of  the  skulls  of  our  steppe-folk,  found  in  the  kurgans,  can 
be  compared  with  the  relatively  few  crania  of  the  Combe  Capelle  tj^pe  which  have 
survived  from  the  upper  palaeoUthic  age,  it  would  be  dangerous  to  come  to  any  conclusion, 
but  the  evidence  cited  above  makes  it  reasonable  to  suggest  that  perhaps  the 
long-headed  hunters  of  the  horse,  with  their  fine  laurel-leaf  spears,  may  have  retreated 
to  the  steppe  lands  of  South  Russia  and  Turkestan,  and  there  converted  the  animal 

3'  Minns  (1913)  142,  143;   Zaborowski  (1895)  126;   Rostovtzeff  (1920)  60,  110. 
33  Osborn  (1918)  337. 


-V 


70  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

which  they  had  hunted  and  ate  into  a  means  whereby  they  could  roam  with  greater 
ease  and  rapidity  over  the  grassy  plains.  The  subjugation  of  the  horse  would  have 
rendered  easier  the  domestication  of  cattle,  which  in  turn  changed  them  from 
hippophagists  to  beef-eaters.  Their  robustness  and  long-headedness,  combined  with 
their  roaming  instincts  and  devotion  to  the  horse,  which  will  become  clearer  as  we 
proceed,  have  convinced  me  that  we  are  here  deaUng  with  that  taU,  fair,  long-headed 
t5^e,  now  dominant  in  northern  Europe,  which  we  term  the  Nordic  race.** 

34  Peake  {1916)  1. 162,  163  ;  (1922)  1.  51. 


Chapter  VI 
MANY    INVASIONS 

THAT  large  tracts  of  Asia  have  been  subject  to  a  gradual  process  of  desiccation 
has  been  made  clear  to  us  by  the  reports  of  the  successive  explorations  of 
Sir  Aurel  Stein,  who  has  shown  us  that  regions,  which  are  now  uninhabited 
desert,  once  held  a  flourishing  population.  It  has  been  suggested  by  Ellsworth 
Huntington,'  who  accompanied  the  PumpeUy  expedition  to  Turkestan,  that  the 
process  of  desiccation  has  been  neither  continuous  nor  progressive,  but  has  been  subject 
to  intermittent  action  and  the  alternation  of  dry  and  wet  periods.  The  evidence 
which  he  has  adduced  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  level  of  the  Caspian  sea  seems  to  bear 
out  his  thesis,  which  has  been  further  strengthened  by  his  later  observations  in 
Palestine  and  on  the  shores  of  the  Dead  Sea.' 

It  is  part  of  EUsworth  Huntington's  hypothesis  that  during  these  periods  of 
drought,  or  Ught  precipitation,  the  population  of  the  steppe  lands,  which  had  grown  in 
numbers  during  the  previous  years  of  heavier  rainfall,  have  found  it  difficult  to  obtain 
adequate  pasturage  for  their  flocks  and  herds,  and  have  in  consequence  dispersed  to 
more  favoured  regions.  To  this  he  attributes  the  great  raids  from  the  steppe  and 
desert  into  the  more  fertile  zones  adjoining  them,  which  have  been  so  marked  a  feature 
in  the  history  of  the  Near  East.  He  points  out  that  a  relatively  small  diminution  of 
rainfall  may  make  all  the  difference  between  a  sufficient  and  inadequate  crop  of  grass, 
and  should  the  crop  be  insufficient,  the  flocks  and  herds,  the  sole  means  of  support 
for  the  steppe-folks,  would  inevitably  perish  unless  driven  to  moister  regions.  How 
serious  even  one  dry  year  may  be  has  recently  been  brought  home  to  us  by  the  Russian 
famine  in  1921. 

»  Huntington  (1907) 
>  Huntington   (1911). 

7» 


72  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD  * 

This  thesis  has  been  severely  attacked,  especially  by  Peisker.'  Still,  though 
Huntington's  conclusions  may  require  modification  in  detail,  his  main  contention  seems 
to  have  withstood  the  attacks  made  upon  it.  Mr.  Brooks*  has  recently  shown  us  that 
the  climate  of  Europe  has  passed  through  considerable  changes  since  the  ice  age,  and 
that  such  changes  come  down  to  relatively  recent  times  and  may  yet  be  in  progress. 
He  attributes  these  largely  to  changes  in  coast  line,  and  to  the  relative  masses  of  land 
and  water.  The  Pumpelly  reports'  show  that  considerable  changes  of  level  have 
taken  place  in  Turkestan,  and  but  small  changes  are  needed  to  connect  the 
Aralo-Caspian  basin,  by  means  of  the  Obi  valley,  with  the  Arctic  Ocean.  All  this 
tends  to  show  that  we  may  expect  considerable  variation  in  the  climate  of  this  region, 
while  Huntington's  evidence  of  changes  in  the  level  of  the  Caspian  Sea  seems  to  prove 
that  such  variations  have  not  been  always  in  the  same  direction.  Mr.  Cook  is,  however, 
incUned  to  see  in  this  the  destruction  of  forests  and  their  conversion  into  grass-lands 
by  the  primitive  process  of  cultivation  which  he  terms  Milpa  agriculture.* 

It  is  to  periods  of  Ught  rainfall  that  Huntington  attributes  the  four  great  irruptions 
from  the  Arabian  desert  which  have  been  recognised  by  Semitic  scholars,'  the  last  of 
which  spread  the  doctrine  of  Islam  over  the  Near  East ;  to  the  same  cause  he  attributes, 
too,  the  various  movements  of  the  Huns  and  Tartars.  One  may  reasonably  add  to  this 
that  even  one  dry  year  during  the  period  of  Ught  rainfall  may  be  sufficient  to  account 
for  such  an  exodus. 

Now,  as  I  have  endeavoured  to  show  on  a  previous  occasion,'  such  a  period  of 
light  rainfall  seems  to  have  occurred  between  2400  and  2200  B.C.,  though  it  may  have 
been  of  somewhat  longer  duration.  I  further  gave  reason  for  beheving  that  about 
2225  B.C.,  or  perhaps  a  Uttle  earUer,  an  invasion  of  nomads  took  place  from  the  Russian 
steppes.  It  would  seem  that  about  this  time  the  Tripolje  culture  came  suddenly  to  an 
end,  and  from  the  evidence  at  Khalepje,'  Minns  was  inclined  to  beUeve  that  it  had  been 
destroyed  by  the  steppe-folk,  who  had  buried  one  of  their  dead  on  the  site  formerly 
occupied  by  a  Tripolje  "  area."    This  destruction  has  recently  been  questioned,  and 

J  Peisker  (1911)  325-328.  '  Myres  (1911)  104-119. 

4  Brooks  (1921).  «  Peake  (1916)  1.  172. 

5  Pumpelly  (1908)  i.  32.  »  Minns  (1913)  142. 
«  Cook  (1921)  321-323. 


MANY  INVASIONS  73 

it  has  been  suggested  that  the  Tripolje  people  may  have  abandoned  this  region,  driven 
out  rather  by  drought  than  by  the  attacks  of  the  steppe-folk. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  for  further  excavations  are  needed  before  the  question  can 
be  determined,  there  is  no  doubt  that  these  nomads  disappeared  from  the  steppe  for  a 
time  and  were  found  in  the  Tripolje  region.  Further  we  have  evidence  that  a  people 
resembUng  them  appeared  soon  afterwards  in  Thessaly,  bringing  with  them  pottery 
which  appears  to  be  derived  from  that  of  the  Tripolje  culture.'"  Others  of  this  type 
seem  to  have  been  responsible  for  the  destruction  of  Hissarlik  IL,"  while  pottery, 
which  also  shows  affinities  with  that  of  Tripolje,  occurs  later  at  Hissarlik  and  at  Yortan 
on  the  Caicus."  Moreover,  the  kurgans,  characteristic  of  these  steppe-folk,  have 
been  found  all  over  Thrace  and  even  over  Asia  Minor  from  the  Hellespont  southwards 
to  Lydia  and  Caria,  as  well  as  eastwards  up  the  Sangarius  into  the  plateau  of  Phrygia.'' 
Thus  we  seem  to  be  deaUng  with  an  advance  of  a  steppe  people,  comparable  with 
the  various  irruptions  from  the  Arabian  desert  which  did  so  much  to  change 
the  course  of  history  in  Mesopotamia,  and  destroyed  the  Old  and  Middle  Kingdoms 
in  Egypt. 

A  further  corroboration  comes  from  Turkestan,  from  the  mounds  of  Anau.  In 
the  south  kurgan,  the  lower  layers  belonged  to  the  period  known  as  Anau  III.,  which 
contained  a  copper  culture  and  a  three-sided  seal,'*  which  Mrs.  Hawes  recognised  as 
having  Middle  Minoan  affinities."  This  settlement,  which  seems  to  have  been  in 
touch  with  the  Elamite  culture  of  Susa,'*  came  suddenly  to  an  end  at  a  date  which 
PumpeUy  fixes  at  about  2200  B.C."  Whether  the  settlement  was  destroyed  or  merely 
abandoned  is  not  quite  clear,  but  what  is  important  for  our  purpose  is  that  two 
agricultural  communities  on  the  edge  of  the  steppe,  those  of  Tripolje  and  Anau,  came 
to  an  end  at  exactly  or  almost  exactly  the  same  date. 

I  have  also  suggested'*  that  in  this  last  case  we  may  perhaps  see  some  proof  of 
an  hypothesis,  advanced  many  years  ago  from  legendary  and  linguistic  data  by  Terrien 

10  Wace  &  Thompson  (1912).  '5  Boyd  &  Hawes  (1912)  33. 

"  Peake  (1916)  1.  •'  Pumpelly  (1908)  i.  48. 

•»  Minns  {1913)  133-140.  '7  Pumpelly  (1908)  i.  50. 

'3  Myres  (1906)  542.  ■'  Peake  (1916)  1.  171. 

•4  Pumpelly  (1908)  i.  43. 


74  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

de  Lacouperie.''  This  ingenious  author,  who  had  been  dead  many  years  before  the 
discoveries  at  Anau  were  made,  suggested  that  certain  tribes,  settled  near  the  Caspian 
Sea,  whom  he  called  the  Bak  tribes  and  who  had  been  under  the  influence  of  the 
kings  of  Elam,  left  their  settlements  about  2200  B.C.,  and  set  out  on  a  long  trek  towards 
China,  into  which  land  they  introduced  the  beginnings  of  culture  and  the  germs  of 
the  Chinese  script. 

This  hypothesis  was  badly  received  when  it  appeared.  Few  of  its  critics  had 
taken  the  trouble  to  master  Lacouperie's  argument,  which  was  advanced  in  a  most 
confused  style.  Sir  Robert  Douglas,"  however,  a  sinologist  of  no  mean  reputation, 
believed  that  there  was  a  considerable  amount  of  truth  at  the  bottom  of  it,  though 
the  theory  was  overlaid  by  many  fanciful  conjectures.  Recently  M.  Cordier*'  has 
dismissed  the  whole  idea  as  imaginary  and  based  on  inaccurate  Unguistic  data.  The 
question,  I  venture  to  think,  needs  re-examination,  for  at  Anau  we  find  a  settlement 
of  peasants,  in  touch  with  the  Elamites,  abandoning  their  village  just  at  the  date 
suggested  by  Lacouperie. 

All  this  evidence  seems  to  point  to  the  fact  that  owing  to  drought,  either  of  a 
prolonged  order  or  lasting  for  two  or  three  consecutive  summers,  our  steppe-folk,  who 
buried  their  dead  in  a  contracted  position  covered  with  red  ochre,  suddenly  left  the 
steppe  lands  between  the  Dnieper  and  the  Asiatic  frontier,  and  dispersed  in  search  of 
wetter  regions  and  richer  pastures.  Two  settled  agricultural  civilisations  on  their 
borders,  the  Tripolje  settlements  in  the  Ukraine  and  those  at  Anau,  disappeared  at  the 
same  time,  driven  out  either  by  the  drought  or  by  the  advancing  hordes. 

That  some  went  to  the  east  as  well  as  to  the  west  seems  probable,  for  we  find  not  long 
afterwards,  in  the  reign  of  Hammurabi,  2123-2061  B.C.,  bands  of  steppe-folk  on  the 
Iranian  plateau,  who  had  already  tamed  the  horse."  These  entered  Mesopotamia 
and  estabhshed  the  Kassite  d5masty  about  1760  b.c.,'^  and  were  the  first  to  introduce  the 
horse  into  the  valley  of  the  Tigris.'*  Whether  or  no  other  bands  passed  further  to  the 
eastward  we  have  no  positive  evidence,  but,  as  we  have  seen,  there  seem  to  be  reasons 

•9  Lacouperie  (1887)  113-119;    {1894)  ch.  iv.,  v.  »»  King  (1915)  215. 

»•  Douglas  (1899)  3.  >3  King  (1915)  320. 

"  Cordier  {1920)  i.  27,  28.  >4  King  (1915)  215. 


MANY  INVASIONS  75 

for  suspecting  that  some  reached  Tobolsk,*'  and  there  were  at  one  time  fair  people  dwelling 
in  the  upper  basin  of  the  Yenesei'*.  It  seems  probable  that  it  is  to  this  period  that  we 
must  attribute  this  easterly  movement.  As  it  seems  probable  that  the  Mitanni  barons, 
who  were  lording  it  over  eastern  Armenia,  were  of  the  same  stock  as  the  Kassites,  we 
may  attribute  their  arrival  south  of  the  Caspian  to  the  same  causes.  Geographical 
considerations,  too,  would  lead  us  to  suspect  that  ample  pasturage  could  have  been 
found  also  among  the  hills  surrounding  Balkh. 

The  westward  movements  I  have  already  dealt  with  elsewhere,''  and  I  need 
do  no  more  than  recapitulate  them  here.  As  we  have  seen,  the  steppe-folk  entered  the 
Tripolje  region,  and  probably  occupied  this  district  as  far  as  Breslau.  Some  of  them 
passed  southwards  along  the  western  shore  of  the  Euxine,  and  crossing  the  Danube, 
settled  in  Thrace,  where  numerous  kurgans  are  to  be  seen.*'  Others  seem  to  have  passed 
on  further  south,  and  eventually  reached  the  Thessalian  plain,  into  which  they 
introduced  Dhimini  ware  and  the  cult  of  the  horse.  It  may  be  that  it  was  the 
appearance  of  these  strange  horsemen  in  this  region  which  gave  rise  to  the  stories  of 
the  Centaurs. 

Some  bands  of  the  latter  party  seem  to  have  separated  from  the  main  body  and 
advanced  down  the  Gallipoli  peninsula.  These,  as  I  have  endeavoured  to  show 
elsewhere,  destroyed  HissarUk  II.,  among  the  ruins  of  which  two  of  their  skulls  were 
found.''  It  may  be  that  these  were  responsible  for  the  rude  villages  of  Hissarlik  III., 
but  it  seems  more  probable  that  they  would  have  passed  on  to  the  grassy  steppes  in  the 
interior  of  the  Anatolian  peninsula. 

Now  the  bulk  of  the  people  of  Asia  Minor  at  this  date,  as  at  the  present  day, 
were  of  that  eastern  Alpine,  AnatoUan  or  Armenoid  type,  best  represented  by  the 
modern  Armenians.  These  people  are  not  by  nature  warhke,  though  they  will  sometimes 
fight  well  to  defend  their  homes ;  but  in  no  case  are  they  aggressive,  unless  under  the 
command  of  a  more  militaristic  type.  A  few  centuries  after  the  events  which  we  have 
been  discussing,  we  find  an  aggressive,  military  power  growing  up  in  the  peninsula, 
at   first   under  several   chiefs  or  kings,^"  in  which,  I  think,  we  may  see  a  mihtary 

»5  Myres  (1906)  541.  >*  Myres  (1906)  542. 

>'  Lapouge  (1899)  245-249.  »»  Schliemann  (1880)  507-512  ;  Virchow  (1882). 

'7  Peake  (1916)  1.  j»  Hall  (1913I  337-338. 


76  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

aristocracy.  These  separate,  though  perhaps  federated,  states  ultimately  coalesced 
into  the  great  empire  of  the  Khatti  or  Hittites,  who  attacked  and  sacked  Babylon 
in  1746  B.C." 

Whether  or  no  any  of  these  steppe-folk  entered  Hungary  at  this  time  is  not 
quite  clear,  for  it  would  seem  that  some  of  the  long  skulls  found  at  Laibach  may  be 
of  an  earlier  date.  To  these  we  will  return  later.  It  seems  probable  that  the  grassy 
steppes  of  the  Hungarian  plain  would  tempt  these  wandering  horsemen,  and  we  can 
scarcely  believe  that  they  would  have  avoided  such  rich  pastures,  unless,  indeed,  they 
were  already  occupied  by  their  distant  relatives,  who  were  powerful  enough  to  keep 
them  out.  The  balance  of  evidence  seems,  however,  to  suggest  that,  whether  or  no 
any  Nordic  steppe-folk  had  arrived  here  earlier,  some  of  these  invaders  from  the 
steppes  must  have  entered  the  fertile  plain  of  the  middle  Danube. 

It  has  been  pointed  out  by  Minns, ^'  that  "  in  the  far  west  of  Russia,  between  the 
Carpathians  and  Kiev,  we  find  in  the  neolithic  period  distinct  traces  of  connection 
with  the  coasts  of  the  Baltic,"  also  that  there  are  found  "  northern  types  of  axes  and 
amber."  Zaborowski,"  also  has  drawn  attention  to  the  resemblance  between  some 
of  the  contents  of  the  kurgans  and  the  culture  by  the  shores  of  the  Baltic.  It  wais 
for  this  reason  that  in  1916  I  suggested"  that  at  a  date  prior  to  that  we  have  been 
discussing,  perhaps  about  3000  B.C.,  some  of  these  steppe-folk  had  passed  to  the  shores 
of  the  Baltic,  and  were  the  long-headed  men  who  are  found  occupying  the  lowlands 
of  Belgium"  about  that  time.  I  have  elaborated  the  argument  since,'*  but  it  has  not 
met  with  the  approval  of  some  of  the  Swedish  archaeologists.''  With  the  evidence 
at  present  available  it  is  not  easy  to  make  a  conclusive  case  one  way  or  the  other,  but, 
as  we  have  seen,  the  neolithic  culture  of  this  area  resembles  in  some  points  that  of  the 
Baltic,  Nordic  types  appear  in  the  Baltic  region,  in  Belgium,  in  the  Rhine  basin  and 
pass  thence  to  the  Swiss  lake-dwellings,  while  other  long-headed  types,  which  may 
however  have  appeared  later,  are  found  in  the  west  of  Hungary  and  the  eastern   slopes 


3-  Hall  (1913)  199.  "  Taylor  (1889)  118,  119. 

3>  Minns  (1913)  132.  s«  Peake  (1919)  201,  202. 

3J  Zaborowski  (1895)  123.  37  Nordman  (1922). 
y*  Peake  (1916)  1.  163. 


MANY  INVASIONS  ^^ 

of  the  mountain  zone.  All  these  points  lead  one  to  suspect  that  at  an  earlier  date  some 
of  these  Nordic  steppe-folk,  driven  doubtless  by  a  former  period  of  drought,  had 
migrated  north-westwards  to  the  colder  regions  around  the  Baltic  Sea,  where  the  type, 
already  tall,  relatively  fair  and  long-headed,  developed  later  these  characters  to  a 
more  pronounced  degree. 

We  have  seen  that  the  Tripolje  people  had  departed  from  the  Ukraine  and 
Galicia,  driven  away  by  drought  or  by  the  invading  steppe-folk.  Traces  of  pottery, 
bearing  some  resemblances  of  that  of  the  Tripolje  culture,  have  been  found  in  various 
places  to  the  south,  just  those  places  where  we  find  that  our  steppe-folk  had  settled. 
This  suggests  that  the  steppe-folk  had  conquered  these  people,  and  taken  captive  some 
of  their  women,''  who  in  all  primitive  tribes  are  the  potters. 

If  Keith  is  right  that  our  Beaker-folk  came  from  Galicia,  we  must  suppose  that 
on  leaving  the  Ukraine  they  passed  westward  and  entered  Bohemia,  for  it  is  from  this 

country,  as   Lord   Abercromby   has   shown, '«  the    northern 
beaker  seems  to  have  been  derived. 

But  Leeds  has  lately  suggested,^"  and  this  suggestion 
was  also  made  some  years  ago  by  Sir  Arthur  Evans,*'  that 
the  beaker  developed  originally  in  Spain.  Leeds  has 
pubUshed  a  map,  showing  that  beakers  of  the  earliest  type 
are  found  most  abundantly  in  Andalusia,  and  he  traces  their 
cARiNATED  VASE  FROM  SPAIN,  dlstribution  thcnce  throughout  west  Europe.  One  of  his 
lines  of  migration  carried  them  to  north  Italy,  where  it  points  to  the  Brenner 
Pass. 

Now  the  Spanish  and  western  beakers  differ  in  many  important  respects  from  the 
northern  type,  though  it  is  characteristic  of  both  to  be  decorated  with  parallel  and 
horizontal  bands  of  ornament.  Leeds  thinks  that  the  beaker  developed  in  Spain  from 
a  type  of  pot,  which  he  terms  carinated,  and  which  is  found  associated  with  megaUthic 

38  Peake  (1916)  1.  166. 

39  Abercromby  {19 12)  i,  25. 

40  Leeds  (1922)  ;  see  also  Abercromby  (1912)  i.  10. 

<■  In  the  discussion  following  Crawford  (1912)  1.  198  ;  see  also  Abercromby  (191 2)  i.  11. 


78 


THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 


FIG.    5. — SILVER  VASE 
FROM  HISSARLIK  ii.  " 


monuments  at  such  distant  points  as  Denmark,  the  Isle  of  Arran,  Guernsey  and 
Brittany,  the  Pyrenees,  Spain,  Algeria,  Taranto,  Sicily  and  Malta.  This  t5^e  of 
pot  is  distinguished  by  having  a  hemispherical  base,  while  the  sides,  half  way  up, 
have  a  knee  or  angle,  above  which  they  are  concave. 

Now  it  is  of  course  possible  that  the  bell-beaker  of  Spain 
may  be  derived  from  this  carinated  vase,  though  intermediate 
forms  seem  to  be  lacking.  I  am  inclined  to  think,  however, 
that  this  beaker  has  a  double  parentage,  and  has  been  influenced, 
too,  by  certain  types  of  ware  not  uncommon  at  HissarUk  II.,  the 
form  of  which  is  best  shown  by  a  silver  vase  found  in  that 
city.*' 

However  this  may  be,  the  bell-beaker,  which  has  invariably 
a  convex  base,  seems  to  have  been  evolved  in  Andalusia,  and  to 
have  been  carried,  amongst  other  places,  to  North  Italy,  and 
thence  northward  to  Bohemia,  where  it  is  locaUsed  in  the  western 
part  of  that  province.  Here  another  type  of  pottery,  called  cord  vases,  which  had  developed 
in  the  plain  of  North  Germany,  had  been  already  introduced,  and  the  northern  type  of 
beaker,  which  has  a  flat  base,  seems  to  have  been  derived  from  a 
combination  of  both  types. 

Some  years  ago  Dr.  O.  Reche«  described  a  people,  very  closely 
resembUng  the  Beaker-folk,  as  inhabiting  Silesia  and  especially 
Bohemia  during  the  closing  phases  of  the  megaUthic  period  in  the 
Baltic,  that  is  to  say  about  the  time  we  are  considering.  Into  this 
population  there  intruded  invaders  of  the  Nordic  type,  extermin- 
ating the  men  but  marrying  the  women  and  adopting  their  customs. 
These  invaders  entered  Silesia  in  force,  but  only  penetrated  into 
Bohemia  in  small  numbers. 

This  seems  to  point  to  the  fact  that  some  of  our  Tripolje  people  were,  as  we  have 
seen  before,  occupying  Silesia,  while  others  had  settled  in  Bohemia.    Here  they  were  using. 


FIG.  6. 
BELL  BEAKER. 


4»  Schliemann  {1880)  figs.  254,  255,  300,  pp.  357-367  ;  fig.  781,  p.  468  ;  see  also  Abercromby  (1912)  i.  10,  where  he 
quotes  Montelius  (1900)  119. 

49  Reche  (1908)  220. 


MANY  INVASIONS  79 

and  had  perhaps  taken  over  from  an  earlier  people,  a  type  of  beaker,  which  had 
been  developed  from  the  cord  pottery  of  northern  Europe,  influenced  by  a  few 
imported  specimens  of  the  bell-beaker,  which  had  come  ultimately  from  Spain.  Soon 
the  steppe-folk,  passing  through  Galicia  and  southern  Silesia,  entered  Bohemia,  and 
some,  at  any  rate,  of  the  Beaker-folk  moved  northwards.  Lord  Abercromby**  has 
shown  how  they  left  through  the  Elbe  gap  and  passed  northwards 
between  the  valleys  of  the  Weser  and  the  Rhine.  Some  went  further 
\H..„,»«-7  north  to  Jutland,  where  we  find  them  introducing  the  single  grave 
culture,  characterised  by  the  presence  of  beakers  and  those  per- 
Ontit\\^^'\  forated  stone  axes,  which  we  have  met  with  before  in  the  Tripolje 
area. 

Others  passed  into  the  low  countries,  where  they  occupied  the 
region    lying   between   Utrecht    and   Gelderland   in    the    south    and 

FIG.  7.  -11. 

NORTHERN  BEAKER.  Dreuthc  m  the  north.*'  Thence  some  passed  to  this  country.  Lord 
Abercromby  beUeves  that  they  crossed  the  channel  at  the  narrowest 
point,  and  passed  westward  and  northward  by  land.'**  It  seems  more  likely, 
however,  that  though  the  crossing  may  actually  have  been  made  by  the  Straits  of 
Dover,  the  Beaker-folk  coasted  along  the  southern  and  eastern  shores  of  Great 
Britain,  for  maritime  traffic  was  no  new  thing  in  these  parts.  Some,  who  landed 
near  the  Moray  Frith,  seem  to  have  been  accompanied  by  a  few  pure  Alpines,*^  whose 
blood  has  left  a  marked  effect  on  the  present  population  of  Aberdeenshire.*'  While 
they  settled  in  the  upland  regions  of  England  and  Scotland,  especially  on  the  open 
downs  and  limestone  hills,  they  penetrated  very  Uttle  to  the  west,  which  was 
dominated  by  the  Prospectors.  Few  signs  of  their  presence  appear  in  Wales,  and 
none  that  can  be  depended  upon  in  Ireland.*' 

It    has    been    thought    by    some    that    they    spoke    some    form    of    Aryan    or 
Indo-European  tongue,  and  it  has  been  conjectured  that  it  was  they  who  introduced 

M  Abercromby  (1912)  i.  16,  66  ;  Crawford  (1912)  1.  190.  > 

45  Aberg  (1916)  map  i. 

4'  Abercromby  (1912)  i.  67,  68. 

47  Lowe  (1902-1904). 

4'  Grey  &  Tocher  (1900). 

49  Crawford  (1912)  1.  188,  189  ;  Abercromby  (1912)  i.  38,  39. 


8o  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

into  these  isles  the  Goidelic  or  GaeUc  dialects.  This  opinion  has  recently  been  restated 
by  M,  Loth.'°  This  view  has  been  well  answered  by  Rice  Holmes,"  and  his  arguments 
are  as  valid  to-day  as  when  they  were  written.  We  are  forced  to  admit  that  we  are 
in  total  ignorance  of  the  language  spoken  by  the  Beaker-folk. 

It  was  at  one  time  believed  that  they  introduced  into  this  country  the  knowledge 
of  bronze,  and  graphic  pictures  were  drawn  of  the  way  in  which,  with  their  superior 
weapons,  they  conquered  the  stone-using  aborigines.  Few,  however,  of  their  graves, 
either  here  or  in  Jutland,  contain  objects  of  metal,  and  those  which  have  been  met 
with  seem  to  conform  more  to  south-western  than  to  Central  European  types."  It 
must  not,  however,  be  assumed  too  hastily  that  they  were  in  complete  ignorance  of 
metal,  though  they  did  not  possess  implements  of  that  material  on  their  arrival ;  for, 
as  we  have  seen,  the  Tripolje  people,  in  their  period  A,  had  used  copper  axes, 
doubtless  carried  thither  by  ^gean  traders,  and  the  perforated  axes,  used  in  the  Ukraine, 
as  in  Jutland  and  Britain,  seem  as  though  copied  from  metal  originals.  It  would  be 
more  accurate  to  say  that  a  tradition  of  the  former  use  of  metal  may  have  hngered 
among  them,  as  of  an  article  once  possessed  but  long  since  lost. 

JO  Loth  (1920)  259-288. 

5>  Holmes  (1907)  195,  428-440. 

5>  Abercromby  (1912)  i.  54. 


Chapter  VII 
THE    EVOLUTION    OF   THE    LEAF-SHAPED   SWORD 

WE  have  seen  that  the  Alpine  people  were  the  earhest  inhabitants  of  the 
mountain  zone,  west  of  the  Hungarian  plain,  and  that  they  had  arrived 
there  at  an  early  date,  bringing  with  them  from  the  east  the  custom  of  hving 
in  pile-dwellings  and  the  germs  of  agriculture.  Whether  they  were  Uving  also  in 
Hungary  seems  uncertain,  though  it  is  possible  that  they  dwelt  in  the  ring  of  mountain 
land  that  surrounds  the  plain. 

Nordic  folk  had  arrived  in  both  areas  by  3000  B.C.,  coming,  it  has  been  suggested, 
from  the  Russian  steppes.  It  is  also  more  than  probable  that  fresh  invaders  from 
the  steppes  arrived  about  2200  B.C.,  especially  in  the  Hungarian  plain.  Thus,  though 
the  population  of  the  whole  of  the  area,  which  we  have  termed  the  Celtic  cradle,  was 
to  some  extent  ahke,  there  were  considerable  differences,  both  in  the  proportion  of 
racial  elements  and  in  the  methods  of  hfe,  between  the  people  of  the  mountain  zone  and 
the  inhabitants  of  the  plain. 

Though  members  of  both  the  Alpine  and  Nordic  races  inhabited  the 
mountain  zone,  and  are  foimd  Uving  together  in  the  same  villages,  they  appear  not  to 
have  intermarried,  at  any  rate  to  any  considerable  extent,  for  at  a  much  later  date 
we  find  skulls  both  of  the  long-headed  and  the  broad-headed  t5^es,  but  few  if  any  which 
show  evidence  of  mixed  ancestry.'  The  evidence  obtained  from  the  cemetery  at 
Hallstatt,  which  dates  from  1000  years  or  more  later,  seems  to  point  to  the  same 
conclusion.* 

Now  the  Alpine  people,  as  we  have  seen,  are  thrifty,  steady,  hard-working  tillers 
of  the  soil,  patient  but  lacking  in  the  spirit  of  adventure.  The  Nordics,  on  the  other 
hand,   are   strong,   active,   courageous   and   adventurous,   devoted   to   the   horse   and 

■  Schenk  (1912)  191,  536-539,  544.  '  Peake  (1922)  1.  70. 

81  e 


82  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

accustomed  on  its  back  to  drive  bands  of  cattle  over  the  grassy  steppes.  If  we  may 
judge  from  the  views  of  many  of  their  modem  representatives,  they  despise  menial 
work,  such  as  ploughing  the  land  or  digging  the  soil,  just  as  they  prefer  cattle  and  beef 
to  sheep  or  mutton,  and  have  a  contempt  for  fish-eaters  and  vegetarians.  The  Nordic 
also  has  a  natural  instinct  for  governing  and  administration. 

As  I  have  shown  elsewhere,^  if  two  such  peoples  come  into  contact,  and  settle 
down  together,  there  can  be  but  one  result :  the  Nordic  becomes  a  lord  and  his  people 
a  privileged  nobiUty,  while  the  Alpine  becomes  eventually  a  serf.  With  a  strong  racial 
exclusiveness,  or,  as  we  caU  it  to-day,  colour  prejudice,  the  Nordics  decUne  to  take 
wives  from  the  subject  class,  and,  though  irregular  unions  may  in  time  take  place, 
marriage  is  strictly  forbidden.  In  this  we  have  the  germs  of  the  caste  system  so  well 
known  in  India.  Similar  objections  to  such  inter-marriages  are  a  marked  feature  of 
the  Briton  throughout  the  empire.  This  custom  has  given  rise  to  the  strict  marriage 
regulations,  which  existed  until  lately  among  all  royal  and  many  noble  families  in 
Europe,  and  among  the  descendants  of  the  Visigoths  in  Spain.  The  marriage  laws 
of  Athens  and  Rome  seem  to  imply  a  similar  point  of  view.  Another  steppe-folk,  entering 
a  mountain  zone  filled  with  an  eastern  Alpine  population,  issued  a  similar  edict,  which 
they  credited  to  their  tribal  god."  Thus  in  the  mountain  zone  Nordic  and  Alpine  Uved 
together,  apparently  in  harmony,  as  lord  and  serf,  never  intermarrying  and  rarely, 
if  ever,  mating  with  one  another. 

In  the  plain,  however,  the  Alpines  seem  to  have  been  absent,  or  at  any  rate  few  in 
number.  Here  we  may  well  imagine  the  Nordics  continued  their  nomadic  existence, 
driving  their  cattle  from  one  pasture  to  another.  Thus  the  population  tended  to 
divide  into  two  groups,  the  people  of  the  mountains  and  the  people  of  the  plain. 

When  the  first  group  of  Nordics  arrived  in  this  region,  both  they  and  their 
Alpine  predecessors  were  ignorant  of  metal,  but  a  few  centuries  later  implements  of 
copper  began  slowly  to  penetrate  the  whole  area.  Perhaps  these  arrived  from  the 
east,  up  the  Danube  valley,  either  from  HissarUk  II.  or  from  those  .^gean  merchants, 
who,  as  we  have  seen,  were  trading  for  Transylvanian  gold,  or  taking  copper  axes  to 
the  Tripolje  folk.    Or  it  may  be  that  other  ^gean  folk  had  by  this  time  reached  the  head 

3  Peake  (1922)  1.  70-72.  4  Deuteronomy  vii.  3. 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  THE  LEAF-SHAPED  SWORD 


83 


of  the  Adriatic,  and  were  making  their  way  thence  to  the  mines  of  the  Erz-gebirge  and 
the  amber  coasts  of  the  Baltic.  It  is  probable  that  both  hnes  of  trade  began  fairly  early 
in  the  third  miUenium,  and  the  general  course  of  the  latter  route  can  be  traced  in 
outUne  from  Fiume,  along  the  eastern  foothills  of  the  mountain  zone  towards  Linz,  where 
the  Danube  must  have  been  crossed  in  dug-out  canoes ;  thence  it  continued  through 
the  Elbe  gap,  and  on  by  various  routes,  indicated  by  the  distribution 
of  fiat  celts,  to  the  amber  coast. ^ 

One  thing  is  clear,  and  that  is  that  metal  reached  the  mountain 
zone  from  the  east  and  not  from  the  west.  It  was  at  one  time 
believed  that  when  metal  first  appeared  in  the  western  Mediterranean, 
the  Rhone  valley  was  the  main  Une  of  approach  into  Central 
Europe.*  This  we  now  know  was  not  the  case,^  for  that  valley 
was  thickly  wooded,  and  the  inhabitants  of  most  of  it  remained 
in  a  neohthic  state  until  many  centuries  after  metal  had  become 
known  in  Switzerland. 

After  the  destruction  of  Hissarlik  II.  communications  from  the 
east  seem  to  have  ceased  for  a  time  ;  the  irruption  of  the  steppe- 
folk  appears  to  have  interfered  with  trade,  especially  by  land,  over 
the  north  ^gean  and  Euxine  areas.  Perhaps,  too,  after  the 
arrival  of  fresh  hordes  of  steppe-folk  into  Hungary  trade  by  the 
other  route  may  also  have  ceased  for  a  time.  There  is  some  evidence 
that  this  was  the  case,  but  in  due  course  it  was  resumed,  and  was  at 
any  rate  in  full  swing  again  long  before  1600  B.C.,  though,  judging  by 
the  type  of  weapons  found,  this  trade  was  rather  with  Italy  and  the 
west  than  with  the  .^gean  and  the  eastern  Mediterranean. 

We  have  seen  in  an  earlier  chapter  that  the  people  of  the  Mediterranean  had 
developed  a  type  of  dagger  of  a  somewhat  triangular  form,  made  first  of  all  of 
copper  and  subsequently  of  bronze.  This  dagger,  as  we  have  seen,  frequently  had 
concave  sides,  perhaps  at  first  as  the  result  of  constant  grinding,  and  thus  attained  an 


FIG.    8. 
GROOVED    ITALIAN 

DAGGER   FROM 
CASTELLANO,    NEAR 

RIPATRANSONE. 


5  Lissauer  (1904)  map. 
'  Mackenzie  (1907-8)  351. 


7  Peake  (1914). 


84 


THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 


ogival  form.  We  have  noted  also  that  the  breadth  of  the  butt  diminished  as 
the  length  of  the  blade  increased.  Sometimes,  especially  in  North  Italy,  the  sides 
remained  straight,  and  grooves  were  cut  in    the   blade  parallel  to  the  sides.     The 

object  of  these  grooves,  which  were  three,  five  or  even 
more  in  number,  was  not  in  the  first  instance  a  question 
of  ornament,  though  in  time  it  became  the  motif  of  an 
elaborate  decoration.  In  the  first  instance  it  had  a 
severely  practical  value,  for  a  dagger  so  grooved,  thrust 
into  the  body  of  an  enemy,  could  be  more  readily* 
extracted  than  one  of  which  the  whole  surface  was  smooth. 
This  grooving  began  with  the  straight-sided 
daggers,  but  was  afterwards  appUed  to  those  of 
ogival  form. 

The  people  of  the  Mediterranean  race  were, 
as  we  have  seen,  rather  short  and  of  slight  build, 
and  their  daggers  were  relatively  small.  They 
were  not  used  very  frequently,  we  may  imagine, 
in  open  warfare,  but  were  more  usually  employed 
to  stab  an  enemy  in  the  back,  a  custom  not  yet 
obsolete  in  some  Mediterranean  lands.  The 
handle  was  of  bronze,  often  handsomely  chased,  and  sometimes  decorated 
with  thin  plates  of  gold.  Such  handles  were  riveted  on  to  the  blades,  and 
so  long  as  the  butt  of  the  latter  was  wide  and  the  blade  not  too  long,  this 
method  of  attachment  proved  satisfactory.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  the  tendency 
was  for  the  butt  to  diminish  in  breadth  and  the  blade  to  increase  in  length, 
which  suggests  that  open  combat  was  becoming  more  fashionable  or  more 
necessary,  and  that  a  greater  reach  was  needed.    The  narrowing  of  the  area     fig.  lo. 

LEAF- 

of  attachment,  and  the  lengthening  of  the  blade,  threw  an  ever  increasing    shaped 
strain    on    the  riveted  joint,    which    must    have    become    more    and    more 
ineffective.    Still,  the  Mediterranean  peoples  up  to  the  last,  except  in  the  /Egean  area, 
continued  to  use  this  long  dirk,  or  rapier,  with  riveted  handle. 

But  the  trade  with  Hungary  carried  these  daggers  from  Italy  into  Central  Europe. 


FIG.   9. — RIVETED   DAGGER-HILT 
FROM   FOSSOMBRONE. 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  THE  LEAF-SHAPED  SWORD 


85 


and  the  Nordic  inhabitants,  both  of  the  plain  and  of  the  mountains,  were  good 
customers.  But  being  big  men,  with  large  hands  and  accustomed  to  meet  their  foes 
face  to  face,  they  demanded  larger  and  larger  daggers,  and  this  demand  was  met,  as 
such  a  demand  always  is,  by  an  adequate  supply.  Thus  we  find  these  weapons,  closely 
resembling  those  in  use  in  the  Mediterranean  basin,  especially  in  its  western  half, 
becoming  increasingly  common  in  Hungary,  and  growing  to  greater  and  greater 
dimensions.  Plate  IV.  shows  five  daggers  found  in  Hungary:  the  two  first  can  be 
matched  both  in  Greece  and  Italy  and  elsewhere  in  the  Mediterranean 
region,  the  third  in  Italy  only,  the  fourth  in  the  northern  part  of  that 
peninsula,  while  the  fifth  is  rare  outside  Hungary,  and  I  have  only 
been  able  to  find  one  parallel,  from  Bondo  in  the  Orisons.^ 

The  increased  size  of  the  daggers,  which  in  some  cases  had 
grown  to  enormous  proportions,  as  may  be  seen  in  Plate  V.,  made 
the  weakness  at  the  riveted  joint  more  apparent.  The  Nordics,  fighters 
above  all  else,  paid  much  attention  to  their  weapons,  and  they  set 
themselves  to  discover  some  way  to  overcome  this  difficulty.  This  led, 
as  we  shall  see,  to  the  evolution  of  the  leaf -shaped  sword. 

During  the  bronze  age  there  were  several  types  of  sword  in 
use  in  various  parts  of  the  Old  World.  We  have  seen  how  the  typical 
Mediterranean  sword  or  long  dirk  developed  by  slow  degrees  in  the 
west  from  the  triangular  copper  daggers  of  Crete.  In  the  ^Egean  and 
in  Greek  lands  we  find  other  types,  which  seem  to  be  derived  from 
swords  of  Asiatic  origin,  and  which  had  an  independent  development 
in  Mesopotamia  or  Egypt ;  some,  too,  may  have  been  derived  from  the  copper  daggers 
of  Cyprus. 

But  there  is  one  type  or  group  which  stands  apart  from  the  others.  In  many 
examples  the  blade  narrows  rapidly  near  the  butt,  then  expands  slowly  till  it  reaches 
its  greatest  breadth  about  two-thirds  of  the  way  down  the  blade  ;  then  it  narrows 
more  rapidly,  then  very  quickly  to  the  point.  This  gives  a  shape  not  unhke  the  leaf 
of  the  lanceolate  plantain,  a  form  not  uncommon  in  other  leaves ;   hence  the  name 


FIG.  II. 

BRONZE    HILT    OF 

LEAF-SHAPED 

SWORD. 


8  B.P.  PI.  Vll.a.  fig.  13  in  Trento  Museum. 


68 


86 


THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 


leaf-shaped  sword.  But  many  examples  from  this  group,  in  other  respects  indistinguish- 
able from  those  described,  have  sides  which  are  nearly  parallel,  sometimes  quite  so. 
To  these  cases  the  term  leaf-shaped  is  not  so  appUcable.  But  the  name  is  hallowed 
by  a  long  tradition,  and  so  it  will  be  well  to  retain  it  for  the  whole  group. 

Leaf-shaped  swords  may  be  divided  into  two  sub-groups  :  those  with  bronze 
hilts  or  pommels,  and  those  without.  Owing  to  the  beauty  of  their  decoration,  the 
types  with  bronze  hilts  have  hitherto    received   the    greatest  amount  of  attention, 

and  several  archaeologists  have  devoted  pages  to  describing  them 
and  tracing  out  their  evolution.'  They  axe  not,  however,  very* 
common  outside  Hungary,  and  in  all  cases  are  much  rarer  than 
the  other  types.  The  details  of  their  form  lead  us  to  believe  that 
they  are  contemporary  with  some,  in  fact  with  most  of  the  other 
types,  and  the  elaborate  decoration  present  in  most  cases  shows  us 
that  they  were  an  expensive  and  ornate  form,  used  probably  by 
the  greater  chieftains,  while  the  other  types  were  the  cheap  and 
plain  weapons  used  either  by  the  lesser  nobles  or  by  the  rank  and 

file. 

The  simpler  type  of  sword  has  no  bronze  hilt,  but  in  its  place 

a   long  tang,  usually  but  not  invariably  with  flanged  edges,  and 

shaped  to  fit  the  hand.    This  tang  is  pierced  by  several  rivet  holes, 

in   which   the  rivets  are    sometimes  found   adhering,   and   these 

rivets  were  used  to  secure  on  either  side  of  the  tang  pieces  of 

wood,  bone  or  horn,  which  with  it  formed  the  hilt.     In  some  cases 

such  swords  have  been  found  with  wood  or  horn  still  attached. 

These  are  obviously  a  cheaper  form  of  hilt,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  such  swords  are 

more  commonly  found  and  more  widely  distributed  than  those  with  bronze  hilts  or 

pommels,  notwithstanding  that  the  latter  have  been  more  eagerly  sought  after  by 

collectors. 

It  is  partly  because  these  types,  which  are  all  included  in  the  Type  II.  of  Naue," 

are  commoner  and  more  widely  distributed  that  I  have  selected  them  for  special  study 

in  preference  to  the  more  ornate  forms,  but  also  for  another  reason.     It  has  hitherto 

9  Naue  (1903)  43-75.  ••  Naue  (1903)  12-25, 


FIG.    12. 

TANG,   WITH   FLANGED 

EDGES,  SHAPED  TO 

FIT  THE  HAND. 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  THE  LEAF-SHAPED  SWORD  87 

been  usual  to  classify  swords  mainly  by  the  shapes  of  their  blades  or  their  sections ; 
for  reasons  which  will  become  apparent  as  I  proceed,  I  am  proposing  a  new  classification, 
based  upon  the  shape  of  the  butt  of  the  blade,  the  portion,  that  is  to  say,  which 
immediately  adjoins  the  handle-shaped  tang. 

Now  if  we  examine  a  large  number  of  swords  of  these  types,  we  shall  find  that  these 
butts  vary  in  form,  some  being  convex  and  others  concave.  In  Plate  VI.  I  have  placed 
them  in  a  series  of  seven,  and  it  would,  perhaps,  be  possible  to  sub-divide  them  more 
minutely,  and  to  give  several  variants  of  most  of  the  types.     For  reasons,  which  will. 


FIG.   13. — CONVEX   AND  CONCAVE  BUTTS. 

I  think,  be  apparent  to  anyone  consulting  the  Plate,  and  which  I  give  more  fully 
below,  I  beUeve  Type  A  to  be  the  earliest  of  the  series  ;  Type  G,  on  the  other  hand, 
occurs  in  the  famous  cemetery  at  Hallstatt,  in  the  Salzkammergut,  and  as  iron  swords 
and  implements  were  found  in  most  of  the  graves  there,  we  may  consider  these  bronze 
swords  as  belonging  to  the  very  last  phase  of  the  bronze  age  in  Central  Europe.  As  the 
butts  of  the  blades  show  a  gradual  transition  from  the  form  usual  in  the  daggers  with 
riveted  handles  shown  in  Plate  IV.  to  the  Hallstatt  type,  we  may,  I  think,  feel 
satisfied  that  we  have  placed  our  series  in  strict  chronological  sequence. 

A  glance  at  Type  A,  especially  as  seen  in  full  length  in  Plate  VII.,  shows  us  at 
once  that  it  is  a  transitional  form,  and  that  it  has  grown  out  of  an  ogival  dagger,  similar 
to  those  given  on  Plate  V.     The  butt  is  of  the  same  shape,  being  a  flattened  semicircle, 


88  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

with  the  horizontal  radii  considerably  longer  than  the  vertical.  The  upper  part  of 
the  blade,  too,  is  of  the  same  form,  and  the  parallel  incised  lines  are  survivals  of  the 
grooves  already  described.  These  show  that  the  prototype  was  of  ogival  shape.  In 
two  points  only  does  it  differ  from  the  ancestral  form  :  the  blade  has  been  lengthened 
considerably,  till  its  form  is  of  rather  an  unnatural  shape,  while  at  the  other  end  a 
tang,  shaped  to  fit  the  hand,  and  with  flanged  edges,  has  been  cast  in  one  piece  with  the 
blade.  Here  we  have  a  leaf-shaped  sword,  it  is  true,  but  with  the  greatest  breadth 
relatively  near  to  the  butt,  and  the  tang  flanged  and  with  rivet  holes  to  enable  the 
wooden  or  horn  sides  to  be  attached  to  form  the  hilt.  The  section  is  somewhat 
rhomboidal. 

Now  it  has  long  been  realised  that  swords  of  these  types  had  been  evolved 
somewhere  in  the  Danube  basin,  and  it  has  been  suggested  that  this  had  taken  place 
in  the  south  Danubian  region."  It  becomes  important,  therefore,  to  determine 
whereabouts  in  the  Celtic  cradle  these  types  originated.  Details  of  the  distribution 
of  this  and  of  other  types  will  be  discussed  in  the  next  chapter  ;  here  it  will  be  sufficient 
to  summarise.  As  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  ascertain,  six  specimens  only  of  this  type 
are  known,  and  one  of  these  is  so  unhke  the  others  that  we  must  look  upon  it  as  a  later 
variant.  Of  the  five,  one  was  found  in  the  Friuh,  at  the  head  of  the  Adriatic,  one 
in  a  tomb  in  Schleswig-Holstein,  while  the  other  three  were  found  somewhere  in  Hungary. 
Of  these  the  exact  sites  at  which  two  were  found  are  unknown,  but  the  third  is  said  to 
have  been  dredged  out  of  the  Danube  near  Bu^a-Pest." 

We  may,  I  think,  conclude  from  this  that  it  was  in  the 
plain  of  Hungary,  where  the  Nordic  steppe-folk  were  hving  in  cu 
relative  purity,  still  leading,  perhaps,  a  nomadic  hfe,  that 
these  swords  were  developed.  The  origin  seems  to  have  been 
in  the  plain  rather  than  in  the  mountain  zone;  though  subsequent 
types  have  been   found  frequently  in  the   latter.     It  is  the  fig.  14. 

Hungarian   plain,   then,   we  must  consider  as  the  centre  of  «•  a  section   not   unlike 

THAT  OF  A  SPEAR-HEAD. 

dispersal,  and,  as  far  as  possible,  Hungarian  rather  than  other  , 

°  6.    A  RHOMBOID  SECTION  WrTH 

examples  will  be  taken  as  the  true  types,  of  which  others  will  concave  sides. 

be  considered  as  variants. 

"  Peet  (1909)  348.  «»  For  details  see  next  chapter. 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  THE  LEAF-SHAPED  SWORD  89 

Now  that  the  tang  for  the  hilt  had  been  cast  in  one  piece  with  the  blade,  and 
the  attachment  of  the  hilt  no  longer  depended  solely  on  the  row  of  rivets  at  the  butt  of  the 
blade,  there  was  no  necessity  for  this  butt  to  be  of  so  great  a  breadth.  As  a  result  we 
find  in  Type  B  the  butt  has  become  approximately  semi-circular,  with  the  horizontal 
and  vertical  radii  equal.  The  flange  on  the  sides  of  the  tang  remained,  though  in  some 
cases  it  became  Ughter  and  not  so  sharply  modelled.  The  blades  of  this  type  usually 
diminish  gradually  from  below  the  butt  to  the  point,  but  occasionally  we  find  a  slight 
broadening  of  the  blade  into  the  true  leaf-shaped  form.  The  numerous  parallel  grooves 
of  Type  A  disappear,  and  in  their  place  appear  a  few,  generally  three,  narrow  grooves, 
very  close  together,  parallel  to  both  sides  of  the  blade,  and  dividing  it  into  three  almost 
equal  strips.  Towards  the  butt  these  grooves  bend  outwards  to  the  edge,  forming  an 
almost  perfect  quadrant.  Sometimes  these  grooves  are  combined  into  one,  and  result 
in  sharp  lines  dividing  the  blade  into  three ;  in  these  cases  the  central  third  is  much  thicker 
than  the  two  sides,  and  the  section  is  not  unhke  that  of  a  spear-head.  Occasionally 
we  find  these  parallel  lines  entirely  absent,  and  the  blade  sloping  to  a  median  ridge, 
thus  forming  in  section  a  rhomboid  with  concave  sides  ;  this  variant  is  more  common 
in  the  north,  and  seems  to  be  a  later  local  development. 

Types  C  and  D  are  at  first  sight  very  much  aUke,  but  a  close  examination  of  the 
critical  part  wUl  explain  the  difference.  We  have  seen  how  in  passing  from  Type  A  to 
Type  B  the  horizontal  radii  diminish  until  they  equal  the  vertical ;  in  Type  C  the 
vertical  has  increased  until  it  exceeds  the  horizontal,  and  an  oval  butt  has  developed. 
The  curves  in  this  case  seem  to  be  nearly  if  not  exactly  those  of  an  ellipse.  The  flanges 
on  the  tang  are  still  present,  but  tend  to  disappear  before  reaching  the  point  at  which  the 
butt  passes  into  the  blade.  The  blades  of  this  type  sometimes  retain  their  parallel 
sides,  but  more  often  the  breadth  expands,  usually  about  halfway  between  the  butt 
and  the  point.  The  lines  of  parallel  grooving  are  tending  to  disappear  ;  they  have 
been  reduced  as  a  rule  to  a  single  line  on  either  side,  and  although  these  are  sometimes 
found  in  the  same  position  as  in  Type  B,  dividing  the  blade  vertically  into  three  equal 
strips,  it  is  more  often  the  case  that  these  hues  have  been  moved  nearer  to  the  edge, 
which  in  some  cases  they  approach  as  close  as  fifty  miUimetres.  The  blades  in  this 
t3^e  are  relatively  flat  and  thin,  but  the  thickness  diminishes  considerably 
outside  the  parallel   lines.     These  lines,  in   fact,  are   only   indications    of   the  place 


90 


THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

In    other   cases   the   section    is 


FIG.  15. 
SPINDLE 

SHAPED 
SECTION 


where   the    diminished    thickness   begins    abruptly, 
spindle-shaped.  y 

Type  D,  as  has  been  noted,  closely  resembles  Ty^t  C,  but  the  curves  of 
the  oval,  which  were  fairly  true  in  Ty^o,  C,  have  been  much  flattened.  In 
other  respects  it  differs  httle  from  the  more  developed  examples  of  Type  C. 
The  spindle-shaped  section  appears  to  be  more  common. 

In  Type  E  the  convexity  of  the  butt  has  almost  disappeared  ;  the  tang 
and  the  butt  blend  more  thoroughly,  which  makes  the  junction  a  larger  hollow 
curve  than  in  the  previous  types.  The  sides  of  the  butt  are  almost  if  not  quite 
straight,  and  the  only  trace  of  the  original  convexity  is  to  be  found  in  the 
lower  part  of  the  butt,  which  terminates  in  a  beak  or  nose.  The  flanges  of 
the  tang  are  tending  to  disappear,  and  in  many  cases  are  nothing  but  an 
irregular  thickening  of  the  parts  nearest  to  the  outside.    This  type,  as  we  shall 

see,  is  widely  distributed,  and  has  developed  many  local  variants,  which  can  readily  be 

recognised  but  not  easily  described.    The  blade  in  this  tj^e,  especially  in  the  west,  usually 

displays  the  characteristic  widening  two  thirds  of  the  way 

down  the  blade,   which  has  given  rise  to  the  term  leaf- 
shaped  sword.     The  lines  parallel  to  the  edge  are  always 

relatively  near  to  it,  in  most  cases  very  near,  and  the  blades 

are  usually  flatter  and  narrower,  though  the  spindle-shaped 

section  still  occurs. 

Type    F   is   that  described  by  D6chelette  as  Proto- 

Hallstatt,  and  in  many  respects  resembles  Type  G.     The 

sides  of  the  butt  are  straight  or  shghtly  concave,  and  the 

head  of  the  tang  expands  into  a  T-shaped   form.      The 

flange  has  entirely  disappeared  and  the  rivet-holes  in  the 

centre  of  the  tang  are  frequently,  though  not  invariably 

replaced  by  a  long  slot.     The  conspicuous  feature  of  this 

type  and  of  Type  G,  though  it  may  occasionally  be  absent 


FIG.  16. 

THE  CUTTING  EDGE  OF  THE  BLADE 

BEGINS  AN  INCH  OR  TWO 


BELOW  THE  BUTT. 


from  Type  F,  is  that  the  cutting  edge  of  the  blade  does 

not  begin  for  an  inch  or  two  below  the  butt.     The  illustrations  will  explain  this  better 

than  any  words  can  do,  but  the  point  to  note  is  that  this  portion,  between  the  butt  and 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  THE  LEAF-SHAPED  SWORD  91 

the  true  edge  of  the  blade,  has  a  blunt  edge,  and  gives  the  impression  that  something 
has  been  tied  round  it.  It  may  be  that  at  this  spot  leather  bands  have  been  attached, 
like  the  sword-knots  of  the  modern  swords  and  the  leather  loops  of  poUcemen's 
batons ;  by  holding  this  leather  loop  the  weapon  is  less  hkely  to  be  snatched  from 
the  hand  or  lost. 

Type  G  is  the  well-known  Hallstatt  type.  In  this  the  lines  of  the  butt  have 
become  definitely  concave,  the  tang  is  thinner  and  always  without  flanges,  and 
terminates  in  a  semi-hexagonal  finial ;  the  rivets,  which  are  usually  found  attached 
to  the  tang,  are  much  smaller.  The  blade  is  rather  narrower  than  in  most  of  the 
preceding  types,  but  the  widest  part  is  characteristically  two-thirds  of  the  way  down 
the  blade.  The  parallel  groove  is  close  to  the  edge,  and  the  edge  ceases  before  reaching 
the  butt,  as  in  the  case  of  Tj^e  F.  The  section  is  spindle-shaped,  with  a  decided 
modification  at  the  edge. 

Some  examples  of  Type  G  found  in  the  west,  especially  in  the  British 
Isles,  vary  in  some  details  from  the  specimens  found  in  Hallstatt.  This  is 
especially  the  case  with  regard  to  the  shape  of  the  finial.  But  speaking 
generally  this  type  must  have  survived  for  a  long  time  with  relatively  httle 
change,  since  it  appears  first  in  the  oldest  graves  at  Hallstatt,  while  it  is 
believed  to  have  remained  in  use  in  this  country  imtil  the  introduction 
FIG.  17.     of  iron  swords  in  the  fifth  century. 

SHAPED  There  are  certain  local  variants  of  all  or  most  of  these  types,  and  it 

^wth"^    would  be  an  interesting  task  to  trace  these  out  in  all  their  ramifications.     To 

MODIFIED   (Jq  gQ  here  would  lead  us  too  far  away  from  the  main  hues  of  our  thesis,  nor 

EDGE. 

would  it  be  easy  to  draw  correct  deductions  until  drawings  of  all  such  swords 
found  throughout  Europe  were  available.  Here  I  must  content  myself  with  tracing 
out  the  broad  lines  of  the  evolution  of  the  leaf-shaped  swords,  and  leave  it  to  others 
to  work  out  the  local  varieties. 


Chapter    VIII 
THE   DISTRIBUTION    OF   THE   LEAF-SHAPED   SWORDS. 

^  j  ^  "X  T  ^  have  seen  how  the  leaf-shaped  sword  was  evolved  from  the  ogival  dagger 
,  V  ▼  ^^  *^^  plain  of  Hungary,  and  passed  through  a  series  of  forms  until  it  reached 
I  the  Hallstatt  type,  which  gave  way  to  the  iron  sword.  We  must  now  consider 
the  distribution  of  each  type,  which  presents  certain  pecuUarities  which  are  very 
instructive,  and  then  consider  how  it  was  that  leaf-shaped  swords,  of  one  type 
or  other,  became  dispersed  throughout  the  greater  part  of  Europe,  and  reached,  in  some 
cases,  beyond  the  confines  of  that  continent. 

Let  us  first  deal  with  Type  A,  the  distribution  of  which  was  summarised  in  the 
last  chapter.  A  very  fine  example  of  this  tjqje  is  in  the  Museum  of  Archaeology  and 
Ethnology  at  Cambridge  ;  nothing  is  known,  unfortunately,  of  its  provenance  beyond 
the  fact  that  it  came  from  Hungary.  Another,  almost  identical,  is  in  the  National 
Museum  at  Buda-Pest,  and  has  been  figured  more  than  once,'  but  the  pubUshed 
illustrations  are  not  very  accurate,  and  in  Plate  VII.  I  give  one  taken  from  a  drawing 
made  from  the  original  for  this  work.  In  this  case,  too,  the  exact  site  is  unknown, 
The  third  Hungarian  specimen,  a  photograph  of  which  is  in  existence,  was  sold  in 
London  on  25th  June,  1891.  It  was  the  property  of  the  late  Dr.  S.  Egger,  of  Vienna, 
and  the  catalogue  states  that  it  had  been  dredged  from  the  Danube  near  Buda-Pest.' 
These  are  the  only  examples  which  I  have  met  with  which  have  been  found  in  Hungary, 
and  I  have  been  unable  so  far  to  trace  the  present  ownership  of  Dr.  Egger' s  specimen. 

Much  more  recently  a  very  similar  specimen,  but  with  some  shght  differences  in  the 
decoration,  was  found  in  the  Friuli.  It  was  dug  up  in  1909  by  Antonio  Tommassin, 
near  Castions  di  Strada,  in  the  district  of  Palmanova,  in  the  province  of  Udine,  at  a  place 

■  Hampel  (1886)  PI.  xx.  4,  6  ;  Naue  (1903)  PI.  ix.  3.  >  Catalogue  (1891)  8.  PI.  viii.  45. 

9a 


THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  LEAF-SHAPED  SWORDS 


93 


called  Selve,  at  the  depth  of  about  one  metre.  It  is,  or  was,  in  the  Museum  at  Cividale.' 
Another,  very  unUke  the  others  in  decoration,  and  varying  somewhat  in  outline,  was 
found  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Treviso,  north  of  Venice,  and  is  now  in  the  Treviso 
Museum.* 

Lastly  we  have  one  found  in  a  grave  somewhere  in  Schleswig-Holstein.  Splieth, 
who  has  recorded  it,  does  not  state  exactly  where  it  was  found,  nor  in  what  collection 
it  was  deposited  at  the  time  he  was  writing.^  He  compares  it  with  the  second 
Hungarian  specimen,  but  in  reality  it  more  closely  resembles  that  in  the  Museum  at 
Cividale. 

All  these  specimens,  except  that  from  Treviso,  resemble  one  another  so  closely 
that  we  may  well  believe  that  they  were  contemporary,  and  the  products  of  the  same 
region  ;  the  type  must  have  continued  in  use  for  some  little  time  in  the  Friuli,  where 
it  developed  local  variants  like  the  Treviso  specimen. 

Type  B  is  rare  in  Hungary,  or  at  any  rate  very  few  specimens  occur  in  the  museums 
of  that  country.  So  far  I  have  been  able  to  find  record  of  only  one,  and  this  has  been 
much  damaged.  It  was  found  in  1884  in  a  hoard  at  Orezi,  in  the  county  of  Somogy.* 
A  somewhat  unusual  form  of  this  t5^e  is  in  the  Vienna  museum,  but  its  provenance  seems 
unknown.  In  Italy  one  has  been  found  at  Ascoh  Piceno,''  south  of  Ancona,  and  Naue 
figures  another  from  an  unknown  site.  He  mentions  a  third,  in  his  own  collection, 
which  is  said  to  have  come  from  Calabria,  but  as  he  does  not  figure  it  one  cannot  be  certain 
that  this  belongs  to  Type  B.^  I  can  find  no  instances  of  the  occurrence  of  this  t5rpe  in 
France,  and  though  three  specimens  have  been  found  in  Britain  which  bear  a 
superficial  resemblance  to  it,  a  more  careful  inspection  convinces  me  that  they  are 
local  variants  of  a  later  type,  perhaps  C  or  D.  This  type  does  not  appear  to  occur  in 
southern  Germany,  but  the  swords  of  this  region  have  not  yet  been  catalogued  with 
thoroughness.  It  has  been  found,  however,  in  the  Baltic  region,  and  specimens  have 
been  recorded  from  Brandenburg,  Pomerania  and  East  Prussia.'  A  type  closely 
resembhng  this  occurs  in  Schleswig-Holstein  and  Denmark,  but  most  of  the  specimens 


3  B.P.  xxxvi.  (1912)  22,  fig.  c.p.  33. 

4  Montelius  (1895-1904)  I.B.  PI.  34. 

5  Splieth  (1900)  12,  PI.  i.  9b. 

'  Hampel  (1886)  PL  cxvii.  21. 


7  Montelius  (1895-1904)  II.  ii.  B.  PI.  131. 

8  Naue  (1903)  17  fn.  3,  PI.  viii.  i. 

9  Naue  (1903)  ix.  8  ;  x.  4  ;  xi.  2. 


94  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

show  certain  local  features,  some  of  which,  like  the  T-shaped  finials,  suggest  a  later  date. 
In  Schleswig-Holstein  SpUeth  mentions  four  examples,"  all  isolated  finds,  which  he 
dates  considerably  later  than  his  example  of  Type  A. 

Type  C,  with  the  oval  butt,  is  relatively  common  in  Hungary.  I  have  been 
able  to  trace  at  least  eight  specimens.  Three  of  these  are  from  imknown  sites,"  two 
from  Kis-koszey  (Battina)  in  Baranza  county,"  one  from  Sajo-Gomor,''  one  from 
Hajdu-boszorm^ny  in  Hajdu  county,  which  was  found  with  a  hoard  containing  three 
of  Type  D,'*  and  one  was  dredged  up  out  of  the  Danube  at  St.  Margaret's  island  in 
Buda-Pest.''  Two  have  been  found  in  Lower  Austria,  one  at  Petronell,'*  east  of  Vienna 
and  the  other,  which  was  found  in  a  barrow  with  a  skeleton,  a  long  pin  and  two 
bracelets,  at  Winklarn.'^  One  has  also  been  figured  by  Dr.  Smid  as  having  been 
found  in  Camiola,  though  its  discovery  is  not  described  in  the  text.'"  In  Italy  one 
specimen  has  been  found  near  Lake  Trasimene,"  a  neighbourhood  which  has  produced 
several  examples  of  Tjrpe  D,  but  this  type  does  not  seem  to  have  been  found  in  France, 
and  only  one  very  doubtful  specimen  is  recorded  for  the  British  Isles.  This  tj^e  seems 
also  to  be  rare  or  absent  from  Germany,  except  in  the  extreme  north,  for  the  only 
specimens  which  I  can  find  recorded  are  from  Mecklenburg  and  Brandenburg.*"  One  or 
two  have  been  recorded  from  Denmark." 

Type  D,  as  we  have  seen,  does  not  differ  much  from  Type  C.  It  is  one  of  the 
commonest  types  found  in  Hungary,  and  I  have  been  able  to  trace  seventeen  examples. 
Of  these  two  are  from  unknown  sites,"  three  from  the  Hajdu-boszormeny  hoard,''  two 

«>  Splieth  (1900)  60. 

II  Naue  (1903)  xi.  3  ;  viii.  6  ;  viii.  8. 

»  These  are  in  the  Vienna  Museum,  Nos.  3781 1,  39807. 

'3  Hampel  (1886)  cxv.  3  ;  Naue  (1903)  viii.  3. 

'4  In  the  Buda-Pest  Museum  1883/131  (6). 

'5  Hampel  (1886)  cxcvii.  6  ;  Buda-Pest  Museum  1893/18  (1). 

16  Naue  (1903)  viii.  5  ;  Catalogue  {1891)  vii.  40  ;   7. 

■7  Vienna  Museum  No.  9295  ;   Heger  (1903)  133,  Fig.  3. 

'«  Smid  {1909)  Fig.  18;    119. 

'9  Montelius  (1895-1904)  II.  ii.  B.  PI.  126  ;  Naue  (1903)  vii.  4. 

"  Naue  (1903)  ix.  6,  7. 

"  Mailer  (1908-9)  Figs.  48-50. 

"  Naue  (1903)  viii.  4  ;  viii.  7. 

>3  Buda-Pest  Museum  1883/131. 


THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  LEAF-SHAPED  SWORDS 


95 


from  the  hoard  at  Podhering  in  the  county  of  Bereg,*"  two  from  Sajo-Gomor  in  the  county 
of  Gomor,*^  two  from  Munkacs  in  Upper  Hungary,**  one,  found  with  two  of  Type  E, 
at  Rima-Szombat  in  the  county  of  Gomor,*'  one  from  Endrod  in  the  county  of  Bekes,'^ 
one,  found  with  four  others,  from  Magyarorszag,"'  one  from  Gross-Steffelsdorf  near 
Sajo-Gomor, ^°  one,  found  with  a  sword  of  Type  E,  from  near  Plattensee  or  Lake 
Balaton, 3'  and  one  from  the  Danube  near  Buda-Pest.^' 

One  has  been  found  at  Biirkanow  in  GaUcia,"  one  in  Upper  Austria,  one  near  Linz," 
five  in  Lower  Austria,  two  at  unknown  sites,  one  at  Mannersdorf,''  one  with  a  hoard 
including  T3^e  E  swords  at  Wollersdorf,'®  and  one  in  a  wood  near  Wimpasting.  One 
comes  from  Griibegg  near  Aussee  in  St5aia,''  and  two  from  Carniola,  one  of  which  is  from 
Mihovo  near  St.  Barthelma,  and  the  other  from  an  uncertain  site.^^  Szombathy  figures 
two  fragments  from  a  swaUow-hole  near  St.  Kanzian,  not  far  from  Trieste.^' 

In  Italy  the  type  is  of  common  occurrence,  but  in  a  definitely  restricted  area. 
One  has  been  found  on  the  bank  of  the  Chiano  by  the  bridge  of  Frassineto  near  Arezzo 
and  is  in  the  Arezzo  museum,""  two  near  Lake  Trasimene,*'  where  a  specimen  of  Type  C 
was  found,  one  of  slightly  aberrant  form  at  Alerona,  in  the  commune  of  Ficulle,  near 
Orvieto,  and  which  is  now  in  the  Prehistoric  Museum  at  Rome,"*  and  another,  which 
also  presents  unusual  features,  in  Rome  itself."^  Two  specimens  have  been  found  at 
Lake  Fucino,""  and  a  third  close  by  at  Dintomi  del  Fucino,"'  one  a  little  to  the  east  at 
Sulmona,"*  and  one  rather  further  afield  at  Apuha."'  Thus  all  these  specimens,  ten  of 
Type  D  and  one  of  Type  C,  have  been  found  in  a  very  restricted  area,  almost  all  of  them 


24  Hampel  (1886)  xc.  i,  5. 

>5  Hampel  (1886)  cxv.  i,  2. 

'*  Vienna  Museum,  Nos.  1928,  1929. 

S7  Hampel  (1886)  cxiii. 

>«  Buda-Pest  Museum  1888/33. 

=9  Buda-Pest  Museum. 

3»  Vienna  Museum  No.  18024. 

3'  Vienna  Museum  No.  50506. 

32  Linz  Museum  No.  A  691. 

33  Vienna  Museum  No.  33100. 

34  Linz  Museum  No.  A  605. 

35  Vienna  Museum  Nos.  18020,  35617,  37584. 


3*  In  the  Museum  of  Vienna  Neustadt. 

37  Vienna  Museum  No.  45721. 

38  Smid  (1909)  Figs.  20,  19,  p.  119. 

39  Szombathy  (1913)  Figs.  79,  92. 

4«  Montelius  (1895-1904),  II.  ii.  B.  PI.  126. 

V  Naue  (1903)  vii.  2,  3. 

4>  Montelius  (1895-1904)  II.  ii.  B.  PI.  126. 

43  Naue  (1903)  vii.  5. 

44  Montelius  (1895-1904)  II.  ii.  B.  PI.  142. 
43  B.P.  XXXV.  (1910)  PI.  xiv.  I. 

4*  Naue  (1903)  vii.  i. 
47  Naue  (1903)  vii.  6. 


96  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

lying  in  a  valley  or  rather  a  fold  of  the  Apennines  between  the  lakes  of  Trasimene  and 
Fucino.  This  distribution  is  of  great  importance  for  our  thesis  and  will  be  referred  to 
again  in  a  later  chapter. 

This  type  has  been  found,  though  very  rarely  in  France,  and  six  specimens  have 
been  recorded  in  Britain,  all  from  the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  or  from  the  south  and  east 
coasts.     I  can  find  no  records  of  its  occurrence  in  Germany  or  Denmark. 

But  if  Type  D  occurs  rarely  if  at  all  in  the  west  and  north,  we  find  it  not  uncommonly 
in  the  south-east.  Two  swords  of  this  type  have  been  found  at  Mycenae,  one  by 
SchUemann*'  and  the  other  by  Tsountas,*'  one  has  occurred  at  Levadia  in  Boeotia,  a  few 
miles  south  of  Orchomenos,  while  two  more  have  been  discovered  in  a  grave  at  MuUana 
in  Crete.'"  The  upper  half  of  a  sword,  which  has  probably  been  influenced  by  this  type, 
though  the  butt  and  tang  are  different,  comes  from  Cyprus,  where  it  was  rifled  from  a 
tomb  some  thirty  years  ago."  Lastly,  we  have  records  of  two  swords  of  this  type  from 
Egypt,  both  from  the  Delta.'*  One  of  these,  found  at  Zag-a-zig,  is  certainly  of  this  type, 
the  other,  found  at  Tell  Firaun  in  the  Delta,  appears  to  be  so  also,  but  the  butt  seems  to 
have  been  shghtly  damaged.  This  sword  bears  upon  it  the  cartouch  of  Seti  H.,  which 
seems  to  have  been  engraved  upon  it  in  or  about  1205  B.C.  These  occurrences  of  Type 
D  swords  in  the  south-east  are  specially  interesting,  and  will  be  referred  to  again,  as 
they  give  us  some  basis  on  which  to  establish  a  chronological  scheme.  They  may  also  help 
us  to  bring  our  archaeological  evidence  into  line  with  historical  and  legendary  matter. 

Type  E  is  also  common  in  Hungary,  from  which  eleven  specimens  have  been 
recorded.  These  usually  attain  to  very  great  dimensions.  One  is  from  an  unknown 
site,"  three  from  Podhering,  found  with  swords  of  Type  D,'*  two  from  Rima-Szombat, 
also  with  swords  of  Type  D,"  one  from  Magyarorbzag,'*  one  from  Gytda-fehervar  in 

48  Schliemann  (1878)  144,  No.  221. 

49  Tsountas'E0.    'Apx-  (1891)  25. 

50  Peet  (1911-12)  282  ;  'E^.    'Apx-  (1904)21-50. 
5"  In  the  possession  of  Professor  Patrick  Geddes. 

5>  Petrie(i9i7)Pl.xxxii.  6,  7;  Z.f.iE.S.  I61,  ff.  PI.  v. ;  Peet  (1911-12)  aSa. 

53  Catalogue  (1891)  7.  vii.  41  ;  Naue  (1903)  ix.  1. 

54  Hampel  (1886)  xc.  3. 

55  Hampel  (1886)  cxiii. 

5«  Buda-Pest  Museum  1865/83. 


THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  TPIE  LEAF-SHAPED  SWORDS  97 

the  county  of  Fej6r,"  one  from  the  Schatze  near  Hajdu-boszormeny,''  one  from  Oreszka 
in  the  county  of  Zemplen,"  and  one,  also  found  with  swords  of  Type  D,  from  near 
the  Plattensee  or  Lake  Balaton. *°  Three  come  from  Bohemia,  from  Gross-Tschemitz, 
Siebenburgen  and  Wodnian  ;*'  one  from  Salza-Bach,  near  the  Griibegg  saw-mills  in 
Styria,*'  and  one  from  a  hoard,  which  contained  swords  of  Type  D,  found  at 
Wollersdorf  in  Lower  Austria.*^  One  comes  from  Zuojuica  in  Herzegovina  and  one 
was  found  in  a  lake-dwelling  at  Auvernier  on  Lake  Neuchitel/*  The  type  also  occurs 
in  Germany,  though,  I  beheve,  not  plentifully.  In  Greece  two  specimens  only  have 
been  discovered,  in  a  hoard  outside  the  city  of  Tirjms.*' 

None  have  been  found  in  Italy,  but  in  France  they  occur  abundantly,  and  there 
are  thirty-one  specimens  of  this  type  in  the  museum  at  St.  Germain-en-Laye.  They 
occur  more  abundantly  still  in  these  islands  ;  fifty-eight  have  been  found  in  the  Thames 
basin,  fifteen  in  the  Fens,  many  of  these  in  the  famous  Wilburton  hoard,  while  fourteen 
others  come  from  other  counties  washed  by  the  North  Sea ;  from  the  rest  of  England 
and  Wales  only  eleven  have  so  far  been  noted.  In  Ireland  this  type  has  not  been 
found,  but  there  are  a  considerable  number  of  swords,  found  in  that  island,  which  are 
intermediate  between  this  type  and  Type  F,  and  will  be  dealt  with  under  that  heading. 

It  seems  Ukely  that  some  swords  of  this  type  have  been  found  in  the  Rhine  Valley, 
but  so  far  I  have  failed  to  find  any  recorded,  while  elsewhere  in  Germany,  in  Schleswig- 
Holstein  and  in  Denmark,  they  seem  to  be  absent.  This  type,  as  we  have  seen,  is  found 
mainly  in  the  west,  so  that  it  is  extremely  interesting  to  find  a  single  example  from 
an  eastern  site.  This  was  found  at  the  village  of  Zavad5mtse,  near  Gorodak,  in  the 
government  of  Podolia  in  South-west  Russia.**  The  occurrence  of  this  sword  so  far  east 
is  strange,  but  taken  in  conjunction  with  the  distribution  of  a  certain  type  of  pin, 
with  which  I  shall  deal  in  a  later  chapter,  it  will  help  to  provide  an  important  link  in 
the  chain  of  our  argument. 

57  Buda-Pest  Museum  1901/27.  '>  Vienna  Museum  No.  45721. 

5'  Hampel  (1886)  xx.  2  ;  Naue  (1903)  ix.  i.  '3  In  the  Museum  of  Vienna  Neiistadt. 

59  Hampel  (1886)  xx.  i,  3.  ^  Vienna  Museum  Nos.  38951,  6284. 

60  Vienna  Museum  No.  50505.  «5  Karo  (1916)  143  ;  Athens  Museum  No.  6228. 

'■  Vienna  Museum  Nos.  4143,  37579,  34860.  **  C.I.A.P.A.     nth  sess.  Aug.  1892.     I.  ii.  343,  fig.  2. 


98  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

The  most  striking  feature  of  the  distribution  of  Type  E  is  its  sudden  appearance 
in  Celtic  lands,  and  in  very  great  numbers.  Up  to  this  date  swords  of  these  types  have 
not  been  met  with  in  the  west,  except  a  few  instances  of  Type  D.  As  we  must  allow 
for  a  certain  amount  of  overlapping  of  successive  types  we  may  well  beUeve  that  the 
few  examples  of  swords  of  Type  D,  found  in  Celtic  lands,  arrived  there  during  the  time 
when  Type  E  was  the  prevaiUng  fashion. 

Type  F  may  be  called  the  Proto-Hallstatt  type.  This  has  been  found  in  France, 
though  not  very  commonly,  and  as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  test  it  mainly  in  the 
eastern  departments,  there  are  only  two  specimens  of  this  type  in  the  St.  Germain's 
museum.  It  occurs  more  commonly  in  Switzerland,  and  it  seems  probable  that  it 
originated  in  that  country,  or  at  least  in  the  mountain  zone  of  Central  Europe.  From 
this  centre  it  seems  to  have  spread  in  various  directions,  though  it  is  not  possible  at 
present  to  trace  its  distribution  with  precision.  One  has  been  found  in  Italy,  at 
Povegliano,  S.W.  of  Verona,  which  seems  to  have  come  from  the  mountains  over  the 
Brenner  pass,®'  and  one  comes  from  Donja-Dolina  in  Bosnia.**  It  seems  to  occur 
occasionally  in  the  mountain  regions  of  Austria  and  south  Germany,  though  I  can  find 
no  evidence  of  its  further  extension  northwards. 

It  is  not  uncommon  in  the  British  Isles  ;  seven  have  been  found  in  the  Thames 
estuary,  four  come  from  the  east  coast  of  England,  and  two  from  Scotland;  no  have 
been  found  in  Ireland,  of  which  forty-two  are  in  EngUsh  collections  and  sixty-eight  in  the 
National  Museum  in  DubUn.  The  Irish  specimens  seem,  as  we  have  seen,  to  be  of  a  very 
early  form,  as  in  some  features  they  closely  resemble  Type  E. 

The  distribution  of  this  type  is  somewhat  curious,  since  it  occurs  plentifully 
in  the  British  Isles  and  especially  in  Ireland,  while  it  is  rare  or  non-existent  in  the 
intervening  regions.  Since  the  British  examples,  especially  those  found  in  Ireland, 
appear  to  be  early  examples  of  the  type,  we  may  surmise  that  they  belong  to  late  waves 
of  the  movement  which  carried  Type  E  over  the  west. 

Type  G,  the  Hallstatt  type,  is  so  called  because  a  few  specimens  were  found  in 
the  famous  cemetery  at  this  place.*''    It  would  be  a  mistake,  however,  to  consider  it  as 

«7  Montelius  (1805-1904)  I.B.  37. 

"  Truhelka  (1904). 

*»  D6chelette  (1908-1914)  ii.  601-6  ;  Sacken  {1868). 


THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  LEAF-SHAPED  SWORDS  99 

having  evolved  in  that  region  or  dispersed  from  that  centre.  It  seems  more  probable 
that,  like  the  previous  type,  it  developed  in  the  mountain  zone,  and  the  evidence 
available  at  present  suggests  for  its  centre  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Danube,  between 
Ulm  and  Sigmaringen  •,^°  but  detailed  work  on  the  spot  is  needed  before  this  can  be 
determined  with  accuracy.  Dechelette  says  that  this  t5rpe  is  generally  distributed 
throughout  Central  Europe,''  and  this  is  true  if  we  confine  that  term  to  the  mountain 
zone,  for  it  does  not  occur  in  Hungary.  It  is  relatively  rare  in  North  Germany,  two 
occur  in  Schleswig-Holstein,''  a  few  in  Scandinavia,'^  and  one  in  Finland.'"* 

In  France  the  greater  number  occur  in  Burgundy,  in  the  valley  of  the  Saone  and 
down  the  Rhone  Valley ;  also  in  the  department  of  Lot  on  the  upper  waters  of  the 
Dordogne  and  in  the  departments  of  Indre  and  Cher.  Several  examples  have  been 
found  in  the  Seine  valley,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Paris,"  a  point  to  which  I  shall  have 
to  refer  in  a  later  chapter.  In  the  British  Isles  nineteen  have  been  found  in  the  valley 
of  the  Thames  below  and  including  Reading,  and  six  elsewhere  near  the  east  coast  ; 
twenty-four  have  been  recorded  from  Ireland,  of  which  twenty  are  in  the  National 
Museum  in  Dublin.  This  type  is,  then,  found  distributed  fairly  generally  throughout 
the  mountain  zone  of  the  Celtic  cradle,  and  over  many  areas  in  Celtic  lands,  though 
it  only  occurs  sparsely  elsewhere.     In  the  Mediterranean  region  it  is  entirely  absent.'* 

I  have  dealt  at  some  length  with  these  distributions,  for  there  is  no  better  way 
of  interpreting  archaeological  evidence  and  making  it  disclose,  in  broad  outhne  at  least, 
its  historical  content.  Unfortunately  no  accurate  catalogue  of  the  swords  discovered 
in  most  countries  is  in  existence,  though  owing  to  the  smallness  of  their  numbers  the 
lists  are  fairly  complete  for  Italy  and  Greece.  It  would  not  be  a  very  great 
undertaking  to  make  an  equally  complete  illustrated  catalogue  for  the  area  included 
in  the  former  empire  of  Austro-Hungary.     In  other  regions  the  numbers  are  greater, 

7»  Troltsch  (1884)  maps  i  and  2. 
7'  Dechelette  (1908-1914)  ii.  724. 
7»  Splieth  (1900)  PI.  ix.  171  ;  p.  76. 

73  One  from  Sweden  is  figured  by  Lubbock  (1865)  i6i  fig.  15. 

74  Vorgeschichtliche  (1900)  PI.  xxxii.  fig.  4  ;  Crawford  (1921)  136  (b.). 

73  Ddchelette  (1908-1914)  ii.  725. 

7«  There  is  a  broken  hilt  of  a  sword  resembling  this  type  in  the  museum  at  Florence  ;  its  provenance  is  unknown. 
Montelius  (1895-1904)  II.  ii.  B.  PI.  131. 


100         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

and  little  has  been  done  to  catalogue  them.  The  formation  of  an  illustrated  card 
catalogue  of  all  the  metal  objects  of  the  bronze  age  in  the  museums  and  private 
collections  in  the  British  Isles  is  in  progress,  under  the  auspices  of  a  research 
committee  appointed  by  the  British  Association  for  the  advancement  of  Science.  The 
specimens  deposited  in  English  collections  have,  for  the  most  part,  been  already 
included  in  this  catalogue,  and  it  is  from  this  that  the  bulk  of  the  statistical  matter 
relating  to  the  British  Isles  has  been  derived. 

As  we  have  seen  in  some  earlier  chapters,  distribution  of  certain  types  of  bronze 
implements  may  be  taken  as  evidence  of  trade,  and  we  have  to  consider  whether  it 
was  some  form  of  commerce  which  carried  the  leaf-shaped  swords  to  Ireland,  Finland, 
PodoUa  and  Egypt,  or  whether  this  wide  distribution  betokens  some  other  form  of 
movement.  Before  the  days  of  fairly  large  ships  and  highly  organised  industry  it  is 
not  uncommon  to  find  implements,  whether  of  flint  or  obsidian,  copper  or  bronze,  carried 
from  country  to  country,  without  apparently  any  general  movement  of  the  population. 
On  the  other  hand,  when  pottery  and  heavier  or  more  easily  damaged  goods  pass  from 
one  centre  to  another,  it  usually  betokens  migration.  We  have  seen  how  this  was  so 
when  the  beakers  were  carried  from  Bohemia  towards  Jutland  and  Britain.  Of  course 
Roman  pottery  was  shipped  extensively  for  trade  purposes,  as  were  red  figure  vases  and 
other  types  of  Greek  ceramic  wares.  The  same  is  true,  though  to  a  less  extent,  of 
Mycenean  and  some  Minoan  wares,  for  the  ^Egean  traders  exported  oil  and  wine.  But 
such  export  of  pottery  betokens  a  relatively  high  civilisation  and  a  well-organised 
commerce.  Under  more  primitive  conditions  we  may,  I  think,  postulate  that  where 
metal  implements  or  small  cult  objects  alone  were  carried,  these  are  evidence  only  of 
trade,  while  when  pottery  is  found,  as  it  were,  on  the  move,  this  indicates  a  movement 
of  the  potters,  hence  a  migration  of  people.  When  pottery  and  weapons  are  both 
found  moving  together,  especially  if  the  weapons  are  of  a  more  advanced  type  than 
those  hitherto  found  in  the  land  into  which  they  are  being  introduced,  we  may  suspect, 
if  indeed  we  cannot  be  sure,  that  we  are  deahng  with  a  hostile  invasion  and  the  arrival 
of  conquerors. 

It  will  be  necessary  for  us,  therefore,  to  determine  whether  these  swords,  which 
have  penetrated  nearly  the  whole  of  Europe  except  the  Iberian  peninsula,  were  carried 
by  trade,  by  some  other  form  of  peaceful  penetration,  or  by  conquest.     The  great 


THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  LEAF-SHAf  ED  SWORDS' '"•  loi 

suddenness  with  which  some  of  the  types  spread,  apparently  within  the  space  of  a  few 
years,  for  there  is  little  if  any  modification  of  form,  from  the  central  region  to  places 
many  hundreds  of  miles  distant,  precludes  the  second  of  these  alternatives,  for  peaceful 
penetration  by  land  is  a  slow  process,  and  we  should  expect  progressive  variation  of  type 
the  farther  we  pass  from  the  centre.  It  seems,  on  the  face  of  it,  unlikely  that  a  people, 
especially  a  sporting  and  warUke  people  Uke  our  steppe-folk,  would  engage  in  a  trade 
which  would  provide  their  neighbours  with  a  weapon,  superior  to  all  others  available, 
which  they  had  produced  for  themselves  after  generations  of  experiment ;  nor  is  it 
likely  that  they  would  permit  their  Alpine  subjects  to  do  so,  even  if  the  fear  of  the 
unknown  and  the  dislike  of  adventure  had  not  been  sufficient  to  prevent  these  home- 
loving  people  from  setting  out  on  so  adventurous  a  task,  involving,  as  it  sometimes  did, 
the  passage  across  northern  seas.  Such  a  practice,  then,  seems  at  first  sight  unUkely, 
but  if  the  other  alternative,  the  hostile  invasion,  were  true,  we  should  expect  to  find 
evidence  of  the  arrival  of  fresh  people  in  the  presence  of  new  t5^es  of  pottery  and  fresh 
burial  customs. 

If  we  examine  the  British  evidence,  we  shall  find  reason  to  believe  that  the 
leaf-shaped  swords  arrived  with  a  new  culture  and  a  fresh  element  in  the  population. 
In  a  recent  paper  Mr.  0.  G.  S.  Crawford  has  dealt  with  this  subject,  and  pointed  out 
that  the  leaf-shaped  bronze  swords  of  the  Hallstatt  period,  our  Type  G,  arrived  with  an 
invasion  of  people  who  came  from  Central  Europe."  Crawford  seems  to  include  in  this 
movement  all  bronze  leaf-shaped  swords  of  whatever  t57pe,  but  the  evidence  on  which 
he  depends  is  only  applicable  to  Type  G.  It  will  be  well,  therefore,  for  the  moment 
to  postpone  consideration  of  the  arrival  of  the  Type  E  swords. 

Crawford  has  shown  that  not  only  did  these  swords  arrive  in  considerable  numbers, 
but  with  them  came  a  number  of  other  objects,  such  as  razors,  sickles,  and  other  tools, 
which  have  been  found  at  various  occupied  sites,  such  as  Llyn  Fawr,  South  Lodge 
Camp,  and  "  Old  England  "  at  Brentford.  Near  the  last-named  site  were  found  some 
skulls  which  Sir  Arthur  Keith'*  has  pronounced  to  be  typical  Alpines  of  the  Swiss 
lake-dwelling  type.  Now  at  most  of  the  sites  where  this  lake-dweUing  culture  has  been 
found,  there  occurs  also,  as  Crawford  has  shown,  a  type  of  pottery,  which  he  calls 

77  Crawford  (i922).  5*  In  a  letter  to  Crawford  ;  no  description  has  yet  been  published. 

7a 


102 


tBCE  BK0N2E  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 


FIG.   l8. — DEVEREL-RIMBURY  URNS. 


"  finger-tip  ware,"  that  is  to  say  pottery  ornamented  with  raised  ribs  of  clay  and 

finger-tip  impressions.     Now  such  pottery  is  found,  it  is  true,  in  the  neolithic  age  in  this 

country,  but  it  died  out  about  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Beaker-folk,   when 

cord-omamented  pottery  came  into  fashion.     On  the  other  hand  in  Central  Europe, 

and  especially  in  the  region  where  the  mountain 
zone  blends  with  the  plain,  such  pottery  remained 
in  use  continuously  from  the  neoUthic,  through  the 
bronze,  to  the  early  iron  age. 

That  such  pottery  came  to  this  country  with 
a  fresh  people  is  clear  from  the  foregoing  evidence, 
and  that  they  entered  armed  and  by  force  is 
equally  clear  from  the  presence  of  the  munerous 
swords  of  this  date  which  have  been  foimd.  That 
they  came  in  considerable  numbers  and  came  to 

stay  is  also  shown  from  the  number  of  settlements,  and  from  the  later  occurrence  of 

this  finger-tip  ware  at   such   sites  as  All  Cannings   Cross"  in  Wiltshire,  where  this 

culture  lasted  until  well  after  500  B.C. 

Some  of  the  best  examples  of  this  finger-tip  pottery  are  the 

urns  found  in  Wessex,  which  are  called  the  Deverel-Rimbury 

type,   and  which  are  dated  by  Lord  Abercromby'°    as  lasting 

from  950  to  650  B.C.     Crawford,  following  D6chelette,  brings  in 

his  invasion  about   800  B.C.,  or  rather  later,    and,  though  we 

may  find  grounds  for  beUeving  that  their  arrival    may   have 

been  earUer  it  looks  as  though   the  finger-tip   pottery  of  the 

Deverel-Rimbury  type  may  have  been  here  before  the  coming 

of  the  people  with  the  Type  G  Swords.    Be  that   as  it  may, 

we  learn  from  Lord  Abercromby  that  in  the  south  of  England 

several  types  of  pottery  preceded  the  Deverel-Rimbury  type,  the  one  immediately 

preceding  it  being  his  Type  3,  which  he  believes  to  have  been  in  use  between  1150  and 

950  B.C.,  if  not  earlier.*'    Many  of  these,  such  as  those  from  Wiltshire,  Nos.  373,  374 


FIG.   19. — URN  OF  TYPE  3. 


79  Cunnington  (1922). 

Ho  Abercromby  (1912)  ii.  40-48,  107. 


'■  Abercromby  (1912)  ii.  38-40,  47,  107. 


THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  LEAF-SHAPED  SWORDS  103 

and  379,  exhibit  the  characteristic  ornament  of  this  finger-tip  ware.  If  Lord  Abercromby's 
chronology  is  even  approximately  correct,  and  it  is  in  these  cases  vouched  for  by  a  series 
of  excellent  synchronisms,  the  pottery  characteristic  of  Central  Europe  had  been  intro- 
duced into  the  south  of  England  some  centuries  before  the  arrival  of  the  people  who 
introduced  the  Type  G  swords.  This  leads  us  to  suspect  that  the  Type  E  swords 
were  also  brought  by  an  invading  people,  fairly  early  in  the  Type  E  period,  as  a 
certain  number  of  Tj^pe  D  swords  have  also  occurred. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  pursue  this  argument  through  other  countries,  or  to  point 
out  that  some  of  our  cinerary  urns  are  in  shape  exactly  like  the  bronze  buckets  used 
in  Central  Europe  at  the  dawn  of  the  iron  age.  We  shall  have  occasion  to  discuss  the 
special  conditions  in  other  countries  in  later  chapters.  Here  it  will  be  sufficient  to 
suggest  that  aU  the  British  evidence  tends  to  show  that  the  spread  of  these  swords  was 
accompanied  by  a  movement  of  pottery  and  other  elements  of  culture,  that  at  Brentford 
by  the  existence  of  skulls  and  elsewhere  by  inference  we  may  conclude  that  there  was 
a  corresponding  movement  of  people,  and  that  in  the  British  Isles,  at  any  rate,  the 
presence  of  this  considerable  number  of  leaf -shaped  swords  betokens  an  invasion. 
There  seems  to  be  no  sufficient  reason  for  believing  that  the  circumstances  were 
materially  different  in  the  other  regions  in  which  these  swords  have  been  found. 


Chapter   IX 
GREEK   LANDS   AND   THE   BASIS   OF   CHRONOLOGY 

WE  have  seen  in  the  last  chapter  that  different  types  of  leaf-shaped  swords 
have  been  disseminated  throughout  various  quarters  of  Europe,  and  we 
have  found  reason  for  beUeving  that  in  Celtic  lands  at  least  their  appearance 
signified  a  hostile  invasion.  If,  as  may  well  be  the  case,  the  same  is  true  of  other  parts 
of  Europe,  we  are  deaUng  with  a  series  of  invasions,  all  starting  from  somewhere 
within  the  Celtic  cradle,  and  affecting  almost  every  part  of  the  continent.  Our  purpose 
in  this  work  is  not  so  much  to  record  evidence  as  to  interpret  it,  to  restore  the  main 
features  of  early  history  rather  than  to  describe  archaeological  remains.  Now  the 
backbone  of  history  is  chronology,  and  we  cannot  interpret  our  evidence  satisfactorily 
imless  we  can  place  it  in  its  true  chronological  setting.  In  discussing  the  seven  types 
of  swords  an  endeavour  was  made  to  arrange  them  in  an  orderly  sequence,  and  thus 
to  set  up  a  relative  chronology.  In  this  chapter  a  positive  system  of  dating  will  be 
attempted. 

It  is  clear  that  it  is  to  the  south-east  that  we  must  first  look  for  help,  for  in 
Greek  lands  documentary  evidence  reaches  back  some  centuries  further  than  it  does 
elsewhere  in  Europe,  and  is  preceded  by  an  immense  mass  of  tradition,  much  of  which 
clearly  belongs  more  to  legend  than  to  myth.  These  legends,  moreover,  have  received 
intensive  study,  and  their  contents  have  been  brought  into  line  with  archaeological 
data.'  Further  than  this  we  have  the  two  swords  found  in  Egypt,  one  of  them  engraved 
with  a  monarch's  name,  so  that  a  study  of  these  south-eastern  specimens  should  enable 
us  to  obtain  one  point,  at  least,  in  our  system  of  dates. 

Now  it  has  been  pointed  out  by  Sir  WiUiam  Ridgeway'  that  certain  people,  whom 
he  calls  "  Achaeans,"  entered   Greece   from   the   north,   bringing   with    them   certain 

«  Ddrpfeld  (1902) ;  Dussaud  (igioand  1914) ;  Leaf  (iQiaand  1915).  •  Ridgeway  (1901). 

104 


GREEK  LANDS  AND  THE  BASIS  OF  CHRONOLOGY  105 

elements  of  culture,  which  can  best  be  matched  in  the  Danube  basin.  These,  according 
to  the  traditions  preserved  in  the  Iliad,  were  the  immediate  ancestors  of  the  heroes 
of  the  Trojan  War.  Recently  Dr.  Wace,^  who  has  made  a  careful  study  of  the 
pre-Hellenic  remains  of  the  mainland  of  Greece,  especially  of  the  pottery,  has  pointed 
out  that  there  is  but  one  break  in  the  ceramic  evolution  of  that  region,  the  introduction 
of  geometric  ware.  This  is,  he  beUeves,  best  explained  by  equating  it  with  the  Dorian 
invasion,  which  took  place  some  generations  after  the  siege  of  Troy.  Dr.  Wace  has 
certainly  made  out  a  strong  case,  and  we  must  accept  his  view  that  no  invasion,  in  the 
strict  sense  of  the  term,  preceded  that  of  the  Dorians ;  but  while  he  would  have  us 
scrap  the  "  Achaean "  hypothesis  in  its  entirety,  we  must,  I  think,  consider  awhile 
before  dismissing  all  the  evidence  that  Sir  William  Ridgeway  has  accumulated. 

Much  of  Ridgeway's  archaeological  evidence  is  Hallstatt  in  type  and,  apparently 
at  least,  Hallstatt  in  date,  and  may  well  equate  better  with  the  Dorian  than  the 
"  Achaean  "  movement,  but  the  legends  are  not  to  be  lightly  swept  aside,  and  we  have 
the  swords,  which  are  admittedly  pre-geometric,  and  so  pre-Dorian,  and  may  well 
antedate  also  the  Trojan  War.  There  is  also  the  introduction  into  southern  Greece  of  a 
type  of  palace,  which  seems  to  have  developed  in  a  more  northerly  clime. ■♦  We  have, 
therefore,  evidence  for  some  intrusive  elements  entering  Greek  lands  from  the  Danube 
basin,  bringing  with  them  swords  of  Central  European  type,  a  new  type  of  domestic 
architecture,  and,  we  may  well  beheve,  certain  deities  and  beliefs  of  more  northern 
origin,'  yet  the  continuity  of  the  ceramic  culture  shows  that  there  had  been  no  general 
displacement  of  the  population. 

Before  attempting  to  decide  between  these  conflicting  views,  it  may  be  wise  to 
consider  the  term  "  Achaean."  By  this  I  mean  only  those  people,  who  are  the  subject 
of  Sir  Wilham  Ridgeway's  hypothesis,  and  who  organised  the  attack  upon  Priam's 
Troy.  They  may,  for  all  we  know,  be  a  people  or  merely  a  class,  and  their  connection 
with  the  Achaeans  of  the  Peloponnese,  discussed  by  Herodotus,®  may  be  very  remote. 
It  seems  clear,  in  fact,  that  the  term  as  used  by  Herodotus  connoted  something  very 
different  from  what  the  term  meant  to  Homer,  and  what  it  signifies  in  the  pages  of 
Ridgeway. 

3  Wace  (1916)  29,  30;    (1920)  398.  5  Harrison  (1908)  31211,  318,  319  ;  Hall  (1913)  520  fn. 

*  Hall  (1913)  63  ;  Mackenzie  {1908-8).  '  Herodotus  viii.  73. 


io6         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

Now  the  presence  of  these  leaf-shaped  swords  in  pre-Dorian  Greece  seems  to 
postulate  the  presence  of  intruders  from  the  Danube  basin  ;  the  paucity  of  their 
number,  all  the  more  striking  when  we  consider  the  extent  of  the  excavations  carried 
out  in  Greek  lands,  seems  to  indicate  that  these  intruders  were  few.  These  swords  had 
been,  as  we  have  seen,  invented  by  the  Nordic  steppe-folk  in  Central  Europe,  and  may 
sometimes  have  been  used  by  their  Alpine  subjects.  But  for  a  few  strangers  to  intrude 
into  a  foreign  land  needs  on  their  part  considerable  courage  and  the  spirit  of  adventure, 
features  which  we  have  found  characteristic  of  the  Nordic  steppe-folk,  and  conspicuously 
lacking  among  the  Alpines.  We  may,  therefore,  take  it  for  granted  that  these  intruders, 
who  introduced  the  leaf-shaped  swords  into  Greek  lands,  were  of  Nordic  type  and 
temperament. 

The  heroes  of  the  Trojan  War,  as  Ridgeway  has  pointed  out,  were  newcomers 
to  the  land.'  In  most  cases  their  grandfathers  are  mentioned,  seldom  a  great- 
grandfather, unless  it  is  to  state  that  he  was  a  god.  Sometimes  even  the 
grandfather  was  a  deity,  as  in  the  case  of  Pol5T)oites,  but  usually  when  this  is  so  we 
have  reason  for  beUeving  that  the  hero,  Hke  Nestor,  the  grandson  of  Poseidon,  was  an 
old  man.  The  earliest  ancestor  was  sometimes  Zeus,  but  usually  the  pedigree  is  not 
actually  traced  to  the  divine  forefather.  In  a  large  number  of  cases,  especially  of  the 
minor  heroes,  they  are  said  to  be  of  the  stock  of  Ares.  Dr.  Hall  has  suggested  that 
Ares  and  his  mistress  Hera  were  the  chief  deities  of  these  northern  invaders.' 

We  hear  very  httle  in  the  lUad  of  these  first  human  ancestors  of  the  "  Achaeans," 
nor  has  later  Greek  legend  much  more  to  say  about  most  of  them.  We  have,  however, 
various  stories  of  heroes,  arriving  alone  like  Theseus,  Perseus,  Herakles,  and  Peleus, 
or  perhaps  accompanied  by  one  friend  like  Amphitryon,  at  some  Greek  city.  The 
hero  is  well  received  by  the  king  of  the  city,  and  often  relieves  him  of  some  difficulty, 
whether  it  be  the  repulse  of  a  hostile  attack,  as  in  the  case  of  Theseus  and  the  Pallantids, 
or  Amphitryon  and  the  Teleboeans,  the  punishment  of  robbers,  such  as  Periphates, 
Sinis,  Sciron,  Cercyon  or  Damastes,  or  the  sla5dng  of  wild  beasts  like  the  Cromyon  sow 
the  Marathon  bull,  the  Cadmeian  fox,  or  the  various  monsters  slain  by  Herakles.  The 
king  honours  the  visitor,  the  princess,  like  Ariadne,  Comoetho  or  Polymela,  falls  in  love 

7  Ridgeway  (1901)  339.  «  Hall  (1913)  520  £n. 


GREEK  LANDS  AND  THE  BASIS  OF  CHRONOLOGY  107 

with  him,  then  some  unfortunate  accident  occurs,  as  was  the  case  with  ^Egeus,  Acrisius, 
and  Eurytion,  and  the  king  is  slain.  The  hero  then  ascends  the  throne,  marries  the 
princess,  and,  as  the  fairy  tales  say,  they  Uved  happily  ever  after.  Such  is  the  almost 
imiversal  burden  of  Greek  legend,  as  it  is  of  the  mdrchen,  which  grew  up  in  the  northern 
forests. 

It  has  been  usual  to  interpret  the  stories  of  these  heroes  as  referring  to  invading 
peoples,  and  to  beUeve  that  the  name  of  the  chief  only  has  survived,  whereas  the 
memory  of  the  people  has  perished.  That  such  was  often  the  case  is  Hkely,  but  when 
deahng  with  the  first  "Achaean"  intruders  we  must  guard  ourselves  against  taking  this 
for  granted.  Dr.  Wace's  arguments  are  all  against  the  arrival  of  a  fresh  people  at  this 
time,  for  there  is  no  introduction  of  new  styles  of  pottery ;  on  the  other  hand,  there  is 
nothing  in  his  evidence  antagonistic  to  the  view  that  a  few  northern  heroes,  coming 
unaccompanied  by  men-at-arms,  succeeded  in  making  themselves  masters  of  the  cities 
of  pre-Hellenic  Greece.  It  is  possible  that  in  this  case,  as  in  many  others,  nineteenth 
century  scholarship  has  been  too  clever  and  too  critical,  and  that  the  legends  as  they  have 
come  down  to  us  are  nearer  to  the  truth  than  the  amendments  which  have  been 
suggested.' 

We  shall  be  able  to  judge  better  if  we  look  at  the  actions  of  Nordics  in  later  times. 
At  the  downfall  of  the  Roman  empire  it  was  not  unusual  for  quite  small  bands  of 
Nordics  to  become  masters  of  even  large  territories ;  some  of  the  Norsemen  made 
themselves,  single-handed,  kings  of  the  cities  in  South  Russia.  Later  Rollo,  with  but 
a  handful  of  men,  became  Duke  of  Normandy  and  defied  the  power  of  the  CaroUngian 
monarch ;  later  still  small  groups  of  Normans  conquered  Sicily,  and  set  up  their  rule 
in  many  places  in  the  Mediterranean  region.  Lastly,  how  often  have  EngUshmen, 
sometimes  quite  alone,  gained  great  influence  in  large  communities  of  aliens,  and  been 
in  a  position  to  make  themselves  kings  had  they  not  preferred  to  annex  the  community 
to  the  British  Empire  ?  Thus  has  much  of  the  Empire  been  built  up.  But  by  far  the 
best  parallel  is  the  case  of  the  first  Rajah  of  Sarawak. 

When  such  events  have  taken  place  in  historical  times,  even  in  our  own  day,  we 
cannot  consider  it  as  impossible  that  wandering  Nordic  heroes  from  the  Danube  basin, 

9  Ure  (1922)  297-99. 


io8  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

accompanied  perhaps  by  a  faithful  henchman,  should  have  found  it  possible  to  establish 
themselves  as  kings  over  the  trading  cities  of  Mycenean  Greece. 

But  let  us  glance  for  a  moment  at  these  trading  cities  and  their  inhabitants. 
The  original  people  of  the  Greek  mainland,  like  the  bulk  of  the  present  population,  seem 
to  have  been  of  that  eastern  Alpine  or  Dinaric  type,  scarcely  distinguishable  from  the 
bulk  of  the  population  of  Asia  Minor.  These  are  tall  dark  people,  with  small  but  broad 
heads,  which  are  very  high  and  somewhat  conical  at  the  top,  though  sometimes  the 
excessively  flattened  occiput  gives  the  impression  that  the  head  has  been  sliced  from 
the  top  of  the  forehead  to  the  back  of  the  neck.  As  far  as  one  can  judge  from  the 
available  evidence,  these  were  the  only  inhabitants  of  the  bulk  of  the  peninsula,  until 
coastal  settlements  were  made  by  the  Cretans,  some  in  the  second  Middle  Minoan  period, 
but  most  of  them  at  the  beginning  of  the  Late  Minoan." 

The  original  inhabitants  of  Crete  seem  to  have  been  typical  members  of  the 
Mediterranean  race,  but  during  Early  Minoan  times  we  find  a  few  broad-headed  people 
arriving  in  the  east  of  the  island,  and  gradually  speading  over  the  eastern  half,"  It 
has  been  taken  for  granted,  quite  naturally,  that  this  broad-headed  infusion  came 
from  Asia  Minor,  the  population  of  which  at  that  time  must  have  been  exclusively 
broad-headed.  But  about  the  time  that  these  broad-heads  appear  in  Crete  we  find 
evidence  in  the  island  of  the  development  of  the  copper  mines  at  Gournia,"  and  of 
the  accumulation  of  gold  ornaments,  such  as  the  treasure  of  Mochlos."  There  are 
also  signs  of  the  existence  of  an  oversea  commerce  and  of  a  trade  in  olive  oil  with 
Egypt.'* 

This  leads  us  to  wonder  whether  these  broad-heads  belonged  to  wanderers  from 
Anatolia,  or  whether  it  is  not  more  probable  that  here  we  have  evidence  of  the  arrival 
of  the  Prospectors,  who  seem  always  to  be  the  organisers  of  oversea  trade  and  of  mining 
operations.  We  must  remember  too,  that  by  2800  B.C.,  not  long  after  the  beginning 
of  the  Early  Minoan  period,  the  Sumerians  were  trading  in  the  Mediterranean,  and 
knew,  if  they  had  not  already  settled  in,  Crete." 

"  Peake  (1916)  1. 158,  159.  '3  Seager  (1912)  104-106. 

"  Hawes(i909)  23-25.  m  Gardiner  (1909)  32  ;  (1914)32. 

"  Boyd  and  Hawes  (1912).  'J  Vid.  supr.  p.  22. 


GREEK  LANDS  AND  THE  BASIS  OF  CHRONOLOGY  109 

These  are  details  of  which  we  cannot  speak  with  certainty  at  present,  but  all  the 
isolated  data  available  are  best  explained  by  beUeving  that  the  great  activities  of  the 
trade  in  the  ^gean  and  especially  in  Crete  were  organised  by  and  were  in  the  hands  of 
Prospectors,  who  had  come  originally,  though  not  necessarily  directly,  from  the  Persian 
Gulf,  and  who  were  employing  the  Mediterranean  aborigines  as  mariners,  miners  and 
craftsmen.  When  in  Middle  and  Late  Minoan  times  these  Cretans  made  settlements 
on  the  mainland,  in  the  ArgoUd,  in  Boeotia,  and  at  Pylos,  settlements  which  are 
recorded  in  the  legends  of  Danaus,  Cadmus  and  Neleus,  we  can  well  believe  that, 
while  some  of  their  subjects  were  of  the  Mediterranean  race,  and  others,  perhaps, 
drawn  from  the  Alpine  aborigines  of  the  mainland,  the  rulers  were  in  all  cases 
Prospectors. 

Professor  Ure'*  has  recently  shown  us  that  in  Greek  lands,  as  well  as  in  renaissance 
Italy,  we  find  two  types  of  rulers,  who  may  be  described  as  Kings  and  Tyrants.  The 
king  is  a  mihtary  chief,  of  aristocratic  bearing  and  origin,  and  one  more  often  interested 
in  the  territory  than  in  the  city.  The  tyrant,  on  the  other  hand,  is  essentially  a  merchant 
or  a  business  man,  his  outlook  bourgeois,  and  he  rules  over  a  city  and  its  trading 
connections,  rather  than  over  a  wide  expanse  of  land.  In  Greece,  Ure  believes,  the 
introduction  of  metal  currency  caused  the  earUer  kings  to  be  replaced  by  these  tyrants 
or  merchant  princes.  He  has  supported  his  thesis  by  a  vast  mass  of  evidence,  which  we 
need  not  repeat  here,  but  in  his  conclusions  I  think  we  may  see  the  supplanting  of  the 
Nordic  lord  by  the  Prospector,  as  times  became  more  settled  and  trade,  rather  than 
fighting,  became  the  more  important  occupation. 

Many  of  Ure's  arguments  would  apply  equally  to  the  Minoan  age,  when  piracy 
had  been  put  down  and  oversea  trade  was  booming.  The  rise  of  the  Greek  tyrants  was 
due,  he  thinks,  to  the  rise  of  a  coinage,  just  as  the  modern  plutocrat  has  risen  to  power 
on  the  development  of  paper  currency  ;  the  Minoan  tyrant  comes  to  the  front  as  metal, 
an  easily  portable  and  exchangeable  commodity,  succeeds  flint  or  obsidian.  It  was  into 
these  trading  cities,  each  governed  by  a  Prospector  tyrant,  that  I  believe  these  Nordic 
"  Achaean  "  adventurers  to  have  arrived  from  the  Danube  basin  with  their  leaf -shaped 
swords. 

'6  Ure  (1922). 


no         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

Now  there  are  two  classes  of  men,  both  of  them  wielding  large  powers  over 
others,  whose  characters  have  been  sharply  contrasted  by  many  writers.  The  kingly 
type  is  found  in  noblemen,  at  any  rate  of  the  old  school,  mediaeval  knights,  landed 
proprietors  and  officers  of  the  army  and  navy;  the  same  traditions  hold  good  in  the 
upper  ranks,  at  least,  of  the  civil  service  and  among  the  professional  classes.  The 
relations  between  these  lords  and  the  people  committed  to  their  charge,  whether 
subjects,  tenants  or  employ6s,  are  usually  good,  and  friction  rarely  arises  unless  the 
subject  class  is  of  an  alien  race.  These  kings  or  lords  have  usually  been  able  to  retain 
for  generations  the  respect  of  their  subjects,  often  to  inspire  very  great  love  and  devotion. 

On  the  other  hand  the  leader,  whose  claim  to  his  position  rests  only  upon  wealth 
or  the  power  to  create  wealth,  is  often  even  extravagantly  generous,  and  has  usually 
ingratiating  manners,  which  are  in  sharp  distinction  from  the  hauteur  which  is  more 
characteristic  of  the  lord  ;  yet  he  rarely  makes  himself  loved  or  even  liked  by  those 
dependent  on  him,  even  though  his  actions  be  kind  and  his  judgments  just.  This 
contrast  has  furnished  a  theme  to  many  writers,  and  has  been  ably  summarised  by  Ure," 
who  quotes  in  support  pregnant  passages  from  the  works  of  H.  G.  Wells'*  and  WiUiam 
James.''  Such  differences,  Ure  thinks,  distinguished  the  king  from  the  tyrant,  and 
the  same  contrast,  I  would  suggest,  held  good  between  the  "  Achaean  "  heroes  and  the 
rulers  of  the  Minoan  cities. 

We  have  seen  reason  for  beheving  that  the  population  of  the  Minoan  cities  of 
Greece  consisted  of  Mediterraneans  and  perhaps  some  few  Alpines,  under  the  rule  of  a 
Prospector  tyrant.  The  latter' s  rule  was  possibly  just,  he  made  money  for  his  city, 
but  most  of  all  for  himself,  and,  in  spite  of  occasional  fits  of  lavish  generosity,  he  would 
not  have  been  popular.  He  was  engaged  in  exploiting  the  proletariat,  and  they  were 
fully  conscious  of  the  fact.  Though  his  manner  was  outwardly  ingratiating,  he  was 
distrusted  by  his  subjects,  who  felt  that  they  were  but  pawns  in  his  game.  Thus  the 
sword  swayed  over  his  head  as  over  that  of  Damocles,  held  only  by  a  slender  thread ; 
revolutions  or  rumours  of  revolutions  were  of  constant  occurrence,  and  the  tyrant, 
intent  on  money  making,  had  little  leisure  or  incUnation,  even  if  he  had  the  capacity, 
for  maintaining  order  or  of  inspiring  loyalty  in  the  hearts  of  his  subjects. 

«7  Ure  (1922)  306.  '9  James  (1902)  318,  319. 

18  Wells  (1902)  156,  157  ;   (1909)  486. 


GREEK  LANDS  AND  THE  BASIS  OF  CHRONOLOGY  iii 

We  can  well  imagine  that  the  arrival  in  such  a  community  of  one  or  two  northern 
barbarians,  rough  and  rude,  but  strong  and  honest,  would  have  been  Uke  a  breath  of 
fresh  air  entering  a  stuffy  room.  The  tyrant  would  have  welcomed  a  man  who  could 
put  down  highwaymen  or  lead  his  mercenaries  to  battle.  He  would,  perhaps,  have 
made  him  chief  of  his  police  or  generalissimo  of  the  town  forces,  and,  as  the  hero  restored 
law  and  order  and  kept  the  populace  quiet,  he  would  have  promised  him  much  reward, 
including  perhaps  his  daughter's  hand.  All  would  have  gone  well  until  the  tyrant,  with 
the  instinct  of  the  Prospector  to  make  a  bargain  and  to  get  something  for  nothing, 
endeavoured,  like  Laomedon  of  Troy,  to  cheat  his  Nordic  ally  or  to  offer  him  a  base 
substitute  for  promises  made. 

The  Nordic,  as  incapable  of  understanding  such  double-dealing  as  of  thus  acting 
himself,  would  quite  naturally  have  been  incensed.  We  can  picture  him  accusing  the 
tyrant  of  dishonesty  and  ejecting  him  from  his  palace,  when  he  would  have  fallen  a 
speedy  victim  to  the  anger  of  his  subjects.  The  hero  would  have  placed  himself  upon 
the  vacant  throne  with  the  help  and  goodwill  of  the  people,  who  had  admired  his  strength, 
courage  and  fair  deahng.  Lastly,  he  would,  perhaps,  have  married  the  daughter  of  his 
predecessor,  not  so  much  from  romantic  motives  as  to  establish  more  completely  his  right 
to  the  throne,  for,  despite  what  has  been  written  to  the  contrary,  some  form  of  matrilinear 
succession  seems  to  have  obtained  in  Minoan  Greece.'" 

The  Greek  legends  referring  to  the  early  heroes  are  full  of  such  details,  and  the 
above  imaginary  sketch  may  be  taken  as  a  composite  picture  of  the  kind  of  events 
which  took  place,  in  all  probability,  in  many  a  city  of  pre-Hellenic  Greece,  as  the  leaf-shaped 
swords  first  made  their  appearance. 

We  have,  hitherto,  taken  it  for  granted  that  these  "  Achaean "  intruders  were 
Nordic,  and  our  reasons  have  been  mainly  the  presence  of  the  swords,  the  northern 
character  of  their  palaces  and  the  fact  that  such  enterprises  are  in  keeping  with  the 
subsequent  behaviour  of  Nordic  adventurers.  But  the  identification,  perhaps,  requires 
further  proof.  The  Nordics  as  we  know  were  tall,  fair  and  long-headed  ;  how  does 
this  agree  with  what  we  know  of  the  "  Achaean  "  heroes  and  their  forbears  ? 

The  whole  tenour  of  the  legends,  attributing  to  them  deeds  requiring  strength 
and  endurance,  certainly  suggests  that  the  heroes  were  considered  in  later  days  to  have 

"  App.  II. 


112         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

been  above  the  average  in  stature.  That  they  were  fair-haired  has  been  taken  for 
granted  by  many  writers."  It  has  been  suggested,  however,  that  the  fact  that  Menelaus 
was  called  fair,  signifies  that  he  was  in  this  respect  an  exception  to  the  rule,  and 
that  the  others  were  as  dark  as  the  majority  of  modem  Greeks.  Moreover,  it  has 
been  pointed  out  that  $au96i  may  only  mean  brown,  and  that  Menelaus  had  brown 
hair." 

The  first  argument  certainly  carries  some  weight,  and  does  seem  to  imply  that  there 
was  something  exceptional  in  Menelaus'  fair  hair.  But  the  Atreidae,  according  to  fifth 
century  legend,  were  Pelopids,  and  this  is  hinted,  though  not  expressly  stated,  in  the 
Iliad.  Now  other  legends  bring  Pelops  from  Phrygia,  though,  of  course,  this  may  only 
signify  that  he  was  a  Phrygian,  who  left  the  Briges  before  their  departure  for  Asia.  But 
the  Pelopidae,  in  their  customs,  differed  from  the  other  "  Achaeans."  Later  legend 
attributes  to  them  a  type  of  endogamy,  interpreted  afterwards  as  incest,  infant  sacrifice, 
and  cannibalistic  habits,  .^schylus*'  looks  upon  these  customs  as  crimes,  and 
attributes  them  to  a  curse  upon  the  House  of  Tantalus.  I  think,  however,  we  may 
see  in  the  Pelopids,  and  perhaps  in  other  groups  of  op  peoples,  some  non-Nordic  type, 
most  probably  Alpines  of  some  kind,  who  had  accompanied  the  "  Achaean  "  heroes 
southwards.  That  one  of  these  should  be  fair-haired  would  be  unusual,  though  by 
no  means  impossible  if  he  had  had  a  Nordic  ancestress.  If  iav96s  ever  meant  brown 
it  must  have  meant  light  brown  or  auburn,  and  its  force  would  be  equally  as  great  as 
if  it  meant  flaxen  ;  the  Mediterraneans  and  eastern  Alpines  never  have  hght  brown  hair  ; 
it  is  not  uncommon  among  Nordics. 

Lastly  we  may  take  the  case  of  the  Thracians,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  were  almost 
certainly  the  stock  from  which  the  "  Achaeans  "  were  derived.  According  to  Ridgeway** 
some  of  these  were  fair  and  some  dark,  that  is  to  say  a  fair  Nordic  strain  had  entered 
a  land  peopled  with  dark  Alpines,  and  the  result  was  a  red-haired  strain  (jrvppcj*),  as 
is  often  the  case  when  fair  and  dark  strains  have  mixed.*' 

We  have  no  right  to  expect  from  Homer,  or  any  other  Greek  writer,  an  account 
of  the  head-form  of  the  "  Achaean  "  heroes.     Nevertheless  we  find  in  the  Ihad  a  word 

"  Hall  (1913)  67  ;  Ridgeway  (1901)  351.  **  Ridgeway  (1901)  400. 

»»  Giles,  P.,  in  a  recent  lecture.  '5  Deniker  (1900)  49,  50. 

»i  Aeschylus  Agamemnon,  1178-1245,  1468-1474. 


GREEK  LANDS  AND  THE  BASIS  OF  CHRONOLOGY 


"3 


which  gives  us  some  indication  on  this  point.**  It  is  noticeable  that  all  the  people 
mentioned  by  name  are  captains  of  hosts,  or  members  of  the  nobility ;  the  lUad  only 
records  the  doings  of  the  "  Achaean  "  heroes.  One  exception  only  is  there  to  this 
rule.  At  one  moment  the  host,  composed  no  doubt  of  Alpines  and  Mediterraneans, 
thinks  of  revolting.  Their  leader  is  a  mob-orator,  fond  of  arguing  as  is  the  way  with 
Alpines,  and  we  can  have  little  doubt  as  to  the  racial  affinities  of  Thersites.  If  we  had 
any,  one  epithet  used  of  him  would  satisfy  us,  for  his  head  is  described  as  </,o^o's.  The 
exact  meaning  of  this  term  has  been  a  matter  of  dispute,  but  it  is  usually  rendered 
"  tapering  to  a  point,"  and  the  expression  <(>o$bs  i-nv  Ki<t>a\-fiv  means  that  he  "  had  a 
sugar-loaf  head."  What  better  description  could  we  have  of  the  ordinary  head-form 
of  the  eastern  Alpine  inhabitants  of  the  Balkan  peninsula  and  AnatoUa  ?  If  this  had 
been  the  usual  type  of  head  of  the  "  Achaean  "  heroes,  the  epithet  would  not  have  been 
used  as  distinctive  of  the  rebeUious  soldier ;  it  can  only  have  been  so  used  to  imply 
how  different  he  was  in  this  respect  from  the  noble  "  Achaean."  This  seems  to  me  to 
indicate,  exceptionally  clearly,  that  the  Homeric  heroes  were  long-headed. 

Thus  the  heroes  are  found  to  be  tall,  fair  and  long-headed,  and  so  possessing  the 
three  chief  physical  characteristics  of  the  Nordic  race.  The  resemblances  between  their 
mental  characters  and  those  of  the  Vikings  have  often  been  noted  before  and  need 
not  be  repeated.*' 

It  will  be  remembered  that  I  have  suggested  that  the  Nordic  "  Achaeans  "  were 
an  offshoot  of  the  body,  who  as  Thracians  and  Phrygians  moved  eastward  into  Thrace 
and  Asia  Minor.  I  have  also  suggested  that  they  came  to  the  south  down  the  Vardar 
valley.  Usually  they  have  been  brought  straight  from  Thrace,  which  is,  of  course, 
possible,  but  Ridgeway,  on  the  other  hand,  brings  them  from  Epirus,  and  points  out  that 
they  held  in  veneration  the  Zeus  of  Dodona.'*  If  their  arrival  was,  as  I  have  suggested, 
in  small  bands  or  by  ones  and  twos,  there  is  no  reason  to  postulate  that  they  all  arrived 
by  the  same  route  ;  all  that  matters  is  that  they  should  have  come  eventually  from  the 
Danube  basin.  As  I  have  already  mentioned,  some  of  the  Homeric  heroes  were 
Zeus-bom,  and  may  have  come  via  Epirus,  while  others,  the  majority,  were  of  the  stock 


><  Homer,  Iliad  ii.  219. 
»7  Chadwick  (1912)  ch.  xv. 


»8  Ridgeway  (1901)  ch.  iv. 


114         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

of  Ares.  Now  Ares  was  the  god  of  the  Thracians,  or  of  some  group  of  people  inhabiting 
Thrace."  It  would  seem  then  that  some,  probably  most,  of  the  "  Achaeans  "  came 
from  the  Thraco-Phrygian  stock,  though  whether  they  started  on  their  way  from  Thrace, 
or  left  the  main  body  before  it  had  reached  that  country,  is  a  matter  of  relatively  small 
importance.  When  the  archaeology  of  Macedonia  and  Thrace  is  better  imderstood,  we 
shall  doubtless  be  able  to  clear  up  this  point. 

It  is  unfortunately  not  possible  to  date  these  swords  with  precision  from  their 
associations,  as  there  are  difficulties  in  ascertaining  the  exact  position  in  which  they  were 
found,  or  in  identifying  the  potsherds  and  other  objects  found  with  them.  They  are 
believed  to  date  from  the  third  Late  Minoan  period,  that  is  to  say,  sometime  after 
1400  or  1350  B.C.     It  is  here  that  our  Egyptian  evidence  helps  us. 

We  learn  from  the  Egyptian  records  that'"  in  the  fifth  year  of  Memeptah, 
1220  B.C.,  the  Delta  was  attacked  by  Meryey,  king  of  the  Libyans,  who  brought  with  him 
a  host  of  Tehenu,  who  had  been  hving  in  the  country  behind  Alexandria.  He  had  also 
numerous  oversea  allies,  pirates  and  traders,  who  came  in  search  of  loot.  These  were 
the  Sherden,  Shekelesh,  Teresh  and  the  Ekwesh.  If  the  three  first  have  been  rightly 
identified,  they  were  the  people  of  Sardinia  and  Sicily  and  the  Tyrsenians,  who  we  know 
later  as  the  Etruscans ;  whether  these  identifications  are  correct  has  been  much 
disputed,  but  it  is  significant  that  all  three  represent  areas  or  peoples  which  we  have 
already  identified  with  Prospector  activities.  On  the  fourth  the  Ekwesh,  there  is  more 
general  agreement,  and  I  beUeve  all  authorities  unite  in  seeing  in  this  name  the  word 
"  Achsean,"  If  this  be  so,  our  Nordic  intruders,  who  had  made  themselves  lords  of 
the  trading  cities  in  Greece,  had  taken  to  the  sea,  like  their  fellows  in  the  Baltic,  and  were, 
with  Prospector  allies,  attacking  and  plundering  the  rich  lands  of  the  Delta. 

It  is  to  this  expedition  that  I  attribute  the  two  swords  ahready  described,  as 
indeed  was  suggested  some  years  ago  by  Professor  Peet.^'  One  is  imquestionably  of 
Type  D,  the  type  which  has  been  most  commonly  found  in  Greek  lands,  while  the  other 
seems,  as  far  as  can  be  judged  from  its  damaged  hilt,  to  be  also  of  the  same  type.  The 
latter  is  engraved  with  the  name  of  Seti  XL,  who  reigned  from  1209  to  1205  b.c,  and 

>9  Ridgeway  (1901)  339.  380. 

30  Breasted  (1912)  467  ;  Hall  (1913)  70,  377,  he  gives  the  date  as  1230  b.c. 

3'  Peet  (19H-12)  282. 


GREEK  LANDS  AND  THE  BASIS  OF  CHRONOLOGY.  115 

so  cannot  be  later  than  the  latter  date.  It  is  probable  that  it  was  a  souvenir  of  the 
raid  of  1220  B.C.,  upon  which  Seti  placed  his  name  some  ten  to  fifteen  years  later. 

Thus  Type  D  was  in  use  in  1220  B.C.,  and  must  have  developed  earUer,  for  we  must 
allow  some  years  to  have  elapsed  since  the  "  Achaeans  "  left  the  Danube  basin  for  Greek 
lands,  a  few  more  before  many  of  them  had  estabhshed  themselves  as  kings,  and  a 
further  interval  before  they  can  have  organised  a  piratical  expedition  on  a  sufficiently 
extensive  scale  to  threaten  the  safety  of  Egypt.  Fifteen  years  would  be  the  shortest 
possible  time  for  such  a  succession  of  events,  thirty  years  more  hkely.  So  we  may 
consider  that  some  of  these  intruders  left  the  Danube  basin  about  1250  B.C.  Now  it 
must  have  been  about  this  time,  or  rather  earUer,  that  the  Briges,  from  the  north  of 
Macedonia,  crossed  the  Hellespont  into  Asia  Minor,  where  they  became  known  as 
Phrygians.  This  movement  appears  to  have  been  one  of  a  succession  of  similar  raids, 
which  carried  the  Thraco-Phrygian  people  from  the  Danube  basin  eastwards.  It  seems 
probable  that  our  "  Achaean  "  intruders  were  part  of  this  body,  who,  instead  of  moving 
on  to  the  east,  had  passed  southwards  in  search  of  adventure. 

Type  G,  as  we  have  seen,  has  been  found  at  the  famous  cemetery  at  HaUstatt,  in 
some  of  the  older  graves.  This  cemetery  is  believed  to  date,  at  the  earliest,  from  900  B.C., 
but  iron  was  found  in  most  of  the  graves,  and  the  bronze  swords  were  few  in  number,  and 
from  graves  in  which  no  iron  was  found.  We  may  safely  conclude  that  these  swords 
belong  to  the  very  beginning  of  this  period,  and  had  been  in  use  for  some  time  previously. 

It  is  always  a  difficult  matter  to  determine  how  long  a  given  type  of  implement  or 
weapon  remained  in  use.  Besides  this  we  must  allow  for  overlapping,  that  is  to  say  for  the 
period  during  which  a  type  still  survived  in  use  after  its  successor,  which  was  doubtless 
in  many  ways  its  superior,  had  been  designed.  I  am  inchned  to  beUeve  that  about 
twenty-five  years  is  sufficient  to  allow  for  this  overlap,  though  possibly  on  rare  occasions 
an  obsolete  weapon  may  have  been  preserved  longer,  especially  as  a  trophy  or  memento. 

If  we  allow  a  period  of  one  hundred  years  between  the  introduction  of  one  type 
and  the  first  use  of  its  successor,  we  shall  be  able  to  fit  the  two  ascertained  dates,  and 
this  period  seems  on  the  whole  reasonable.  Types  A  and  B  are,  however,  scarce  in 
Central  Europe,  though  Type  B  seems,  in  a  modified  form,  to  have  persisted 
longer  in  the  Baltic  region.  I  propose,  therefore,  to  reduce  the  hundred  years  to  fifty 
in  each  of  these  cases. 


ii6 


THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 


Such  a  chronological  scheme  is,  of  necessity,  provisional,  and  must  be  susceptible 
of  modification  as  further  synchronisms  are  worked  out,  but  on  the  evidence  at  present 
available,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  it  is  not  far  from  the  truth,  and  that  any 
amendments  which  may  have  to  be  made  in  the  future  will  scarcely  exceed  fifty  years 
either  way.  This  scheme  is  for  Central  Europe  only,  and  may  be  true  also  for  Italy  and 
Greece.  Various  modifications  may,  however,  have  to  be  made  in  applpng  it  to  more 
distant  regions,  especially  in  the  north  and  west,  such  as  Brittany,  the  British  Isles 
and  the  Scandinavian  countries. 


Type  A 

Transitional 

1500— 1425 

Type  B 

Semi-circular 

1450— 1375 

Type  C 

Oval 

1400— 1275 

Type  D 

Mycenae,  Fucino 

1300— 1 175 

Type  E 

Wilburton 

1200 — 1075 

Type  F 

Proto-Hallstatt,  Dowris 

iioo—  975 

Type  G 

Hallstatt     .. 

1000 —  875 

Chapter  X 
THE    IRON   SWORD 

WE  have  seen  that  every  type  of  sword,  from  Tj^e  A  to  Type  E,  has  been 
found  in  the  Hungarian  plain,  though  Type  B  is  not  common  there.  On 
the  other  hand.  Types  F  and  G  are  entirely  absent.  It  is  unreasonable  to 
suppose  that,  while  the  people  of  the  mountain  zone  were  developing  more  useful 
types  of  swords,  the  men  of  the  plain  were  continuing  for  some  centuries  to  use  swords 
of  Type  E.  Even  were  this  the  case  we  should  expect  to  find  that  the  swords  of  this 
type  were  vastly  more  numerous  than  those  previously  in  use.  But  we  have  seen 
that  only  ten  have  been  recorded  for  Hungary,  whereas  we  have  nineteen  of  Type  D. 
There  remain  only  two  possibilities  :  either  the  people  left  the  plain  uninhabited,  or 
they  had  found  some  weapon  more  useful  than  the  bronze  sword. 

It  is  true,  as  we  have  seen,  that  steppe-lands  may  be  deserted  in  times  of  excessive 
drought,  and  there  is  some  reason  for  believing  that  such  a  dry  period  occurred  somewhere 
about  this  time,  for  it  was  in  1350  or  1300  B.C.  that  we  must  place  the  Aramean 
invasion  from  the  Arabian  steppe,  which  was  such  a  serious  menace  to  Shalmaneser  I.' 
But  this  drought,  even  could  we  be  sure  that  it  affected  a  small  upland  steppe  Uke  that 
of  Hungary,  occurred  somewhat  too  early  for  our  purpose.  There  is  also  the  alternative 
theory  that  too  heavy  a  rainfall  in  the  mountain  regions  might  have  made  life 
unpleasant.*  But  this  would  have  left  a  more  marked  effect  upon  the  mountain  zone 
than  on  the  plain.  There  may,  indeed,  have  been  an  exodus,  in  fact,  we  shall  find 
reason  for  believing  that  this  was  so,  but  it  is  unlikely  that  the  rich  Hungarian  plain 
was  left  long  uninhabited.  There  remains  the  alternative  explanation,  the  discovery 
of  a  new  weapon,  and  I  hope  to  give  reasons  for  believing  that  this  is  the  true  solution, 
and  that  the  new  weapon  was  the  iron  sword. 

•  Peake  (1916)  1.  170  ;  Myres  (igii)  117.  >  Myres  (1913)  534,  535. 

117 


ii8  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

Some  years  ago  M,  Chantre  investigated  a  large  series  of  tombs  in  the  basin  of  the 
Koban,  just  north  of  the  Caucasus  mountains.  Here  he  found  a  culture,  closely 
resembling  in  many  details  the  remains  found  in  the  cemetery  at  Hallstatt.  The 
earlier  weapons  were  of  bronze,  but  in  most  cases  the  swords,  while  retaining  hilts  of 
that  metal,  had  blades  of  iron  or  steel.'  It  has  been  much  disputed  which  of  these 
two  cemeteries,  Hallstatt  and  the  Koban,  is  the  earUer,  but  I  hope  to  show  that  the 
Koban  graves  must  antedate  those  in  Austria. 

M.  Chantre  extended  his  investigations  to  the  other  side  of  the  mountains,  and 
on  the  southern  slope  of  the  Caucasus  found  evidence  of  the  culture  of  a  humble, 
mountain  folk,  with  rude  pots,  but,  what  is  important  for  our  purpose,  he  found  in 
these  graves  spear-heads  and  smaU  objects  of  iron.* 

Now  Professor  Gowland  has  told  us  that  "  In  Western  Asia  there  are  two 
important  districts  where  iron  ores  are  of  very  extensive  occurrence,  and  in  which 
remains  of  early  iron  manufacture  are  found."  He  adds,  "  from  a  metallurgical 
point  of  view,  deduced  from  the  extent  and  character  of  the  ancient  remains,  there  are 
strong  reasons  for  beUeving  that  the  first-mentioned  region  was  the  first  in  which  the 
metal  was  regularly  produced."  This  first-mentioned  region  he  describes  as  "on  the 
south-east  of  the  Euxine  (ancient  Paphlagonia  and  Pontus)  extending  from  the  modem 
Yeshil  Irmak  to  Batum,  and  comprising  a  series  of  mountain  ranges,  not  far  from  the 
coast,  along  the  lower  slopes  and  foot  hills  of  which  the  iron  deposits  are  scattered."' 
The  graves  with  the  iron  spear-heads  described  by  Chantre  are  just  at  the  north-eastern 
end  of  this  region,  while  in  the  south-western  hved  later  the  Chalybes,  who  were  renowned 
workers  in  iron  in  the  sixth  century.* 

Chantre  has  shown  that  the  two  cultures  which  he  described  were  existing  at  the 
same  time,  for  the  graves  of  one  people  sometimes  contained  objects  belonging  to  the 
culture  of  the  other  ;^  not  only,  then,  did  the  cultures  synchronise,  but  the  peoples 
had  come  into  contact.  There  is  no  reason  for  beUeving  that  the  Koban  folk,  mihtarist 
though  they  were,  had  conquered  their  humble  neighbours.  That  the  reverse  had 
taken  place  is  unthinkable.     The  evidence  suggests  that  the  contact  had  been  peaceful, 

3  Chantre  (1886)  ii.  *  ^Eschylus.  Pr.  vine.  734. 

4  Chantre  (1886)  ii.  101-8.  1  Chantre  (i886)  ii.  107. 

5  Gowland  (1912)  281. 


THE  IRON  SWORD 


119 


that  trade  relations  had  been  estabKshed,  and  perhaps  the  Koban  folk,  who  appear 
to  have  been  new-comers  in  this  region,  may  have  taken  wives  from  their  neighbours. 
AU  this  points  to  the  fact  that  it  was  in  the  Koban  region  that  the  steppe-folk  first  learned 
the  use  of  iron,  and  that  they  carried  the  knowledge  of  it  thence  to  the  Danube  basin, 
rather  than  that  the  reverse  process  took  place. 

But,  it  may  be  asked,  how  can  be  we  sure  that  our  Koban  people  are  the  steppe-folk, 
who  have  been  the  heroes  of  the  last  few  chapters  ?  Their  culture  closely  resembles 
that  of  Hallstatt,  which  is  but  a  development  of  the  later  bronze  age  culture  of  Central 
Europe,  and  even  their  earlier  graves  clearly  belong  to  the  same  series.  This  is  so  obvious 
that  Rostovtzeff  is  content  merely  to  state  that  they  had  come  from  the  west.* 

It  may  be  well,  however,  to  submit  more  precise  proofs  of  this  origin.  During 
the  later  bronze  age  a  certain  type  of  pin  had  been  used  in  Himgary,  possibly,  as  some 
think,  as  a  hair-pin,  but  used  more  probably,  as  Lissauer  has  suggested,  to  fasten  the 
chlamys,  toga  or  plaid,  which  these  steppe-folk  appear  to  have  worn.  These  pins  are 
known  to  the  Germans  as  Rudernadln^  and  to  the  French  as  epmgles  a  raquette^° 
Lissauer  recognises  five  types,  which  we  will  distinguish  by  the  letter  A  to  E.  A 
developes  into  B,  and  this  again 
into  alternative  forms,  C  and  E. 
A  also  developes  by  stages,  which 
are  at  present  missing,  into  D. 

Now  T5^es  A  and  B  have 
been  found  in  North  Italy, 
Switzerland,  Wurtemberg  and 
on  the  Rhine.  They  have  also 
been  found  in  Hungary,  at 
Tok^s,  Gata,  Versecz  and  Butta. 
Two  have  been  found  in  Bohemia,  at  Noutonic  and  Krendorf,  and  one  at  Gaya  in 
Moravia.  Thus  these  two  types  are  fairly  well  distributed  over  both  halves  of  the 
Celtic  cradle.     Type  D  has  been  found  at  Andrasfalva  in  Hungary,  and  at  Alt-Bydzow 


BCD 

FIG.   20. — FIVE  TYPES   OF   RACQUET  PINS. 


'  Rostovtzeff  (1920)  III. 
9  Lissauer  (1904)  573-580. 


">  Chantre  (1886)  ii.  PI.  xix.  i,  2, 


120         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

in  Bohemia.  Besides  these  several  have  been  found  further  afield,  one  at  Dexheim 
in  Rhenish  Hesse,  one  at  Greisheim  in  Hesse-Darmstadt  and  one  at  Fritzen  in  East 
Prussia.  Lastly  several  have  been  foimd  in  the  Koban  graves,"  and  these  are 
larger  and  more  developed  than  the  others. 

This  evidence  seems  to  show  us  that  this  type  of  pin 
was  at  first  well  distributed  throughout  the  Celtic  cradle,  and 
that  the  dimensions  of  the  head  increased  in  Hungary  and 
Bohemia.  About  the  time  that  this  later  form  was  in  use 
some  kind  of  exodus  took  place  to  various  distant  places. 
That  one  of  these  expeditions  passed  to  the  east,  in  the 
direction  of  south  Russia,  is  clear  from  the  occurrence  of  this 
type,  in  its  most  developed  form,  in  the  Koban  graveyards. 
We  can  well  believe  that  these  emigrants  left  the  Celtic  cradle 
by  the  Moravian  gate,  and  passed  along  the  more  or  less  open 
'  spaces  at  the  northern  foot  of    the  Carpathians,  to  which 

reference  has  already  been  made,  and  so  into  the  plain  of 

FIG.  21.  J  '  f 

RACQUET  PINS  FROM  KOBAN.  Russia  and  finally  to  the  foot  of  the  Caucasus.  The  journey 
would  have  been  made  on  horseback,  and  need  not  have  occupied  many  weeks  so  there 
is  no  need  to  expect  much  evidence  from  objects  lost  en  route  ;  but,  as  they  must  have 
crossed  PodoUa  on  their  way  to  the  Koban,  it  seems  probable  that  it  was  these  emigrants 
who  left  at  Zavadyntse  the  sword  which  was  mentioned  in  a  previous  chapter,  as  this 
is  the  only  example  of  a  Central  European  sword  recorded  from  the  eastern  plain. 
The  Podolian  sword  was  of  Type  E,  and  this  gives  us  a  clue  to  the  date,  and  will  enable 
us  to  put  together  in  their  proper  order  these  various  items  of  evidence. 

The  evidence  which  I  have  cited  in  the  foregoing  pages  can  best  be  explained  by 
beheving  that  about  1150  B.C.  some  of  the  steppe-folk  from  the  Hungarian  plain  departed, 
probably  through  the  Moravian  gate,  to  seek  fresh  pastures.  While  some  may  have 
gone  northwards,  the  majority  passed  along  the  open  sandy  heaths  of  Gahcia,  across 
Podolia,  where  a  sword  was  lost  at  Zavadyntse,  and  so  on  to  the  grassy  plains  by 
the  banks  of  the  Koban  river.    Here  they  settled  for  a  time,  and  during  their  wanderings 

■I  Lissauer  (1904)  578-580  ;    Chantre  (1886)  ii  ¥i.  xix.     i,  2. 


THE  IRON  SWORD  121 

some  came  into  contact  with  the  humble  iron-using  people  on  the  southern  slopes  of 
the  Caucasus.  Whether  they  approached  these  people  to  trade  or  to  acquire 
some  commodity  in  which  they  themselves  were  lacking,  or  whether  they  sought 
them  to  obtain  their  daughters  for  wives,  we  know  not ;  all  we  can  be  sure  is  that 
some  intercourse  took  place.  It  seems  clear,  too,  that  it  was  from  their 
humble  neighbours  that  the  Koban-folk  learned  of  the  existence  of  iron 
or  steel,  and  how  to  work  that  metal.  It  was  not  small  knives  they  needed, 
but  better  blades  for  their  trusty  swords.  Thus,  I  believe,  the  use  of 
iron  was  first  learned  by  the  peoples  of  Europe. 

This  discovery  must  have  been  made  by  iioo  B.C.  at  the  latest 
probably  some  years  earlier.  The  Koban-folk  realised  that  steel  blades 
were  far  superior  to  those  of  bronze,  and  doubtless  were  anxious  to  show 
off  their  new  acquisition  before  the  old  folks  at  home.  They  may,  too, 
have  remembered  that  the  stone  from  which  their  neighbours  extracted 
the  metal  was  plentiful  in  some  parts  of  the  old  country.  Whatever  the 
cause,  I  beUeve  that  some  of  them  returned  to  Hungary  with  their  new 
discovery,  before  bronze  swords  of  Type  F  had  been  evolved  or  at  any  rate 
had  come  into  general  use. 

Iron    ore,   which    could    easily    be    worked  by  primitive    methods, 

occurs   in  Transylvania,  at   Gyalar,"  and  it  seems  Ukely  that  it  was  in 

FIG.  22. 
this  neighbourhood  that  they  first  settled.     It  is  also  possible  that  about    sword  from 

this  time  some  of  them  occupied  Thrace,  for  in  early  days  Thracian  swords 

had  a  great  reputation.''    By  degrees  they  pushed  up  the  Danube,  at  any  rate  as  far  as 

its  junction  with  the  Save.     Before  1000  B.C.  a  large  number  of  them  advanced  up  the 

Morava  and  down  the  Vardar  and  soon  afterwards   entered  Thessaly,   whence   they 

started  on  that  series  of  conquests  known  as  the  return  of  the  Heraclids,  or  the  Dorian 

invasion  of  Greece.'* 

Many  of  these  Koban-folk  settled  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  Danube  and  the 

Save,  and  in  the  hill   country   behind  ;    various   cemeteries  of   this   time   have  been 

"  Gowland  {1899)  319  ;  cf.  J. I.S.I.  (1897)  lii.  205. 
'3  Homer,  //.  xiii.  576  ;  xxiii.  808. 
'4  Casson  (1921)  1,  2. 


122         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

discovered  in  this  region,  the  most  famous  of  which  is  that  at  Glasinatz  in  Bosnia." 
Others  pushed  up  the  Save,  which  runs  through  mountains  of  an  easily  worked  iron 
ore ;  evidence  of  early  workings  have  been  found  on  the  banks  of  the  Mur  in  Styria 
and  on  the  upper  Drave  in  Carinthia.'* 

A  httle  later,  between  looo  and  900  B.C.,  some  of  these  people  passed  over  into 
Italy.  They  may  have  crossed  the  Adriatic,  as  did  in  all  probabiHty  the  men  of  the 
leaf-shaped  sword,  but  it  is  tempting  to  think  that  they  crossed  the  Predil  pass  and 
settled  at  Santa  Lucia  Tolmino,  near  the  head  waters  of  the  Isonzo.  Here  a  cemetery 
was  found  in  1885,''  much  of  the  grave  furniture  from  which  is,  or  was  in  1914  in 
the  Trieste  Museum,  while  the  remainder  is  in  Vienna.  More  than  1000  graves  were  foimd 
and  the  cemetery  must  have  been  in  existence  for  several  centuries  ;  but  it  is  usually 
believed  that  the  earUest  graves  date  only  from  the  eighth  century.  Others  of  the  same 
party  crossed  the  mountains  into  the  rich  Friuli  plain  and  settled  at  Dernazacco,  near 
Cividale,'*  and  gradually  spread  thence  over  the  Veneto. 

We  come  across  further  evidence  of  their  advance  at  Este,"  and  as  they  crossed 
the  Po  valley  they  destroyed  the  terremare,  which  had  existed  there  since  early  in  the 
bronze  age  and  dispersed  their  inhabitants."  There  is  evidence  that  about  this  time 
some  of  the  terramara-io\\i  arrived  in  Etruria,"  others  are  found  settling  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Taranto,**  while  Dr.  Hooton  has  shown  that  there  are  strong  reasons 
for  believing  that  the  earliest  settlement  on  the  Palatine  Hill  at  Rome  was  due  to 
these  people.'^  The  invaders  seem  to  have  occupied  all  the  plain  of  Italy  north-east  of 
the  Apeninnes,  the   area  known   later  as  Ombrice'*  or   Etruria  Circumpadana,"   but 

'5  D^chelette  (1908-14)  ii.  591,  592,  where  all  authorities  are  cited. 

■'  Gowland  (1899)  49,  50. 

'7  D^chelette  (1908-14)  ii.  592,  where  all  authorities  are  cited. 

»«  B.P.  4th  ser.  V.  (1910)  154  ;  N.S.  (1909)  75,  76. 

•9  D^chelette  (1908-14)  ii.  536,  539,  540. 

»  Modestov  (1907)  217. 

"  Modestov  (1907)  224. 

"  Peet  (1909)  421 ;  N.S.  (1900)  411  ;  Modestov  (1907)  219. 

»3  Hooton  (1913) ;  see  also  Modestov   1907)226. 

M  Herodotus  i.  43  ;  iv.  49. 

'5  Livy  V.  33  ;  quoted  by  Dennis  (1883)  i.  xxix. 


THE  IRON  SWORD 


123 


FIG.    23. — MAP   SHOWING   DISTRIBUTION   OF  TYPE   G   SWORDS   IN   FRANCE. 


the  most  important  spots  at  which  their  remains  have  been  found  are  in  and  around 
Bologna.  From  one  of  the  best-known  sites  in  that  city  their  culture  has  been  called 
that  of  Villanova.'*     That  at  one  time  they  conquered  Etruria  has  been  suggested 

>'  D6chelette  (1908-14)  ii.  536-539. 


124 


THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 


FIG.  24. — MAP  SHOWING  DISTRIBUTION  OF  IRON  SWORDS  IN   FRANCE. 


in  chapter  iv.,  and  doubtless  it  was  they  who  extended  the  Etruscan  rule  from  the 
Alps  to  the  south  of  Naples  ;  but,  as  has  already  been  explained,  it  would  be  a  mistake 
to  confuse  them  with  the  real  Etruscans. 


THE  IRON  SWORD  125 

We  have  seen  that  in  the  mountain  zone  the  pile-dwelling  civilisation  continued 
throughout  the  bronze  age.  This  type  of  culture,  introduced  by  the  early  Alpines 
from  Asia  Minor,  was  adopted  in  Central  Europe  by  the  Nordic  intruders,  who  had  made 
themselves  lords  over  the  Alpine  peasants.  That  they  were  still  retaining  their  race 
exclusiveness  is  clear  from  the  fact  that  long  and  broad-headed  skulls  are  still  found 
side  by  side.*'  In  the  plain,  however,  where  we  have  no  evidence  of  Alpine  settlement, 
all  signs  of  pile-dwellings  are  absent. 

It  is  a  striking  fact  that  with  the  arrival  of  iron  swords  into  the  mountain  zone 
this  pile-dwelling  culture,  which  had  existed  from  early  neolithic  days  till  the  close  of  the 
bronze  age,  came  suddenly  to  an  end.  This  cannot  be  merely  an  accident,  for  the 
same  thing  occurred  all  over  Central  Europe.'"  It  is  also  significant  that  some  centuries 
later  it  was  revived.*'  Some  important  revolution  must  have  taken  place  to  end  so 
abruptly  a  custom  which  had  lasted  for  thousands  of  years,  and  to  end  it  with  equal 
suddenness  in  all  parts  of  the  mountain  zone.  I  can  only  account  for  it  in  one  way,  by 
supposing  that  the  men  of  the  plain,  who  had  never  occupied  this  type  of  dwelling, 
had  swept  over  the  mountain  zone,  carrying  fire  and  the  iron  sword  throughout  the 
villages  of  their  neighbours. 

This  I  am  inclined  to  think  must  have  been  the  case,  and  such  an  invasion  would 
account  for  the  widespread  exodus  of  people  with  the  Type  G  swords,  which  we  have 
found  scattered  over  many  areas  in  France,  over  parts  of  North  Germany,  and 
stretching  even  to  Scandinavia  and  Finland,  and  which  reached  the  British  Isles,  with 
much  other  culture  belonging  to  the  Swiss  lake-dwellings,  as  Crawford  has  recently 
shown  us.'°  These  people  with  the  Type  G  swords  must  have  been  refugees  from  the 
invasion  of  the  iron  sword  people.  Dechelette  has  given  us  a  map  showing  their  progress 
in  France,  and  on  the  same  map  he  indicates  the  progress  of  the  iron  sword  men.^' 
The  latter  followed  the  refugees  in  almost  every  direction,  and  it  was  only  in  the  Seine 
valley  that  the  exiles  escaped  pursuit.  This  is  a  point  to  which  I  shall  have  to  refer  in 
a  later  chapter. 

>7  Ddchelette  (1908-14)  ii.  114.  3<>  Crawford  (1922)  33,  34. 

>«  Dechelette  (1908-14)  ii.  114.  3'  D6chelette  (1908-14)  mapii.,  in  ii.  pt.  2. 

t  D6chelette  (1908-14)  ii.  935-941- 


Chapter  XI 
A   RECAPITULATION 

WE  are  now  in  a  position  to  interpret  the  meaning  of  the  evolution  and 
distribution  of  these  leaf-shaped  swords,  though  there  are  many  details, 
which  we  would  gladly  know,  but  of  which  we  must  remain  in  ignorance,  perhaps 
for  ever.  We  can,  however,  form  some  general  idea  of  the  events  which  were 
taking  place  in  Europe  during  the  centuries  under  review,  and  it  will,  perhaps,  make 
for  lucidity  if  they  are  here  recapitulated  as  a  continuous  story, 
>/-  Since  4000  B.C.  some  Alpine  people,  coming  originally  from  Asia    Minor,    had 

occupied  the  mountain  zone,  where  they  had  erected  their  pUe-dweUings  and  had 
cultivated  their  strips  of  comlands.  Meanwhile  on  the  Russian  steppes,  east  of  the 
Dnieper,  Nordic  steppe-folk  mounted  on  horses,  were  driving  cattle  from  one  pasture 
to  another,  sometimes  dweUing  in  the  open  steppe,  at  others  pasturing  their  beasts 
in  the  park-lands  and  woods  to  the  north.  Between  these  two  peoples  were  the 
Tripolje-folk,  living  in  pit-dweUings,  cultivating  the  soil,  and  later  on  importing 
copper  axes  from  ^gean  traders. 

About  3000  B.C.,  or  perhaps  rather  earlier,  a  drought  caused  some  of  the 
steppe-folk  to  emigrate.  It  was  perhaps  at  this  time,  though  probably  later,  that  some 
passed  through  the  woodland  to  the  middle  Volga  valley,  where,  mixing  with 
communities  of  Mongoloid  fishers,  they  developed  the  Fationovo  culture  and  became 
ancestors  of  the  red  Finns.'  Others  in  small  numbers  certainly  advanced  towards 
the  Baltic,  and  passing  along  its  southern  shore,  appeared  later  at  Furfooz,  in  Belgium.* 
The  majority  of  these  moved  slowly  up  the  Rhine  valley,  whence  some  entered 
Switzerland  from  the  north,  and  made  themselves  lords  of  the  lake-dweUing  villages. 

'  Peake  (1919)  200-202.  *  See  ch.  vi. 

126 


A  RFXAPITULATION  127 

Other  steppe-folk  seem  also  to  have  entered  Hungary,  probably  through  the  Moravian 
gate,  and  settled  on  the  plain  and  the  eastern  foothills  of  the  mountain  zone. 

Meanwhile  the  knowledge  of  copper  had  been  introduced  by  traders,  who  had 
sailed  up  the  Adriatic,  and  travelled  inland  from  Fiume.  This  copper  culture  reached 
the  Swiss  lake-dwellings,  and  eventually  passed  down  the  Rhone  as  far  as  Lyons.  It  was 
followed  by  a  bronze  culture,  which  was  imported  from  Italy  and  the  western 
Mediterranean. 

About  2250  B.C.  another  drought  caused  a  dispersal  of  the  steppe-folk  on  a  greater 
scale.  Some  went  east,  into  the  remotest  fastnesses  of  Turkestan,  some  perhaps  as 
far  as  the  head  waters  of  the  Yenesei  and  the  region  around  Minutsinsk,  while  others 
passed  on  to  the  Iranian  plateau.  This  last  group  we  hear  of  about  2100  B.C.  as 
Kassites,  and  a  few  centuries  later  they  conquered  Mesopotamia. 

Those  who  went  westward  seem  to  have  destroyed  the  Tripolje  culture  and 
driven  off  its  people,  unless,  indeed,  they  had  already  been  driven  away  by  the  drought. 
The  bands  of  steppe-folk  divided,  some  passing  north  of  the  Carpathians  and  some 
going  south  by  the  shores  of  the  Euxine.  This  last  group  crossed  the  Danube,  and 
skirting  the  Balkan  mountains  arrived  at  the  east  end  of  Thrace.  Here  they  divided, 
one  band  passing  to  the  west  by  the  shores  of  the  ^gean  and  then  southwards  to 
Thessaly,  where  they  frightened  the  inhabitants,  who  termed  them  Centaurs.  The 
other  band  crossed  the  Hellespont,  destroyed  Hissarlik  II,  and  passed  on  into  the 
Anatolian  plain,  where  in  due  course  they  organised  the  native  Alpine  population  into 
the  Hittite  empire. 

It  is  not  so  easy  to  follow  the  group  which  passed  north  of  the  Carpathians,  but 
they  seem  to  have  followed  the  line  of  sandy  heaths  across  Galicia  into  Silesia,  then 
some,  probably,  entered  Hungary  through  the  Moravian  gate,  while  others  pushed  into 
Bohemia.  These  last  found  there  people  who  were  either  refugees  from  the  Tripolje 
area  or  folk  closely  allied  to  them.  These  people,  who  had  been  accustomed  to  a  type 
of  cord  vase,  had  found  in  Bohemia  bell-beakers,  which  had  arrived  there  via  Italy 
from  Spain.  From  a  combination  of  both  types  of  ware  they  had  evolved  the  northern 
beaker.  When  the  Nordic  steppe-folk  arrived  from  Silesia  these  Beaker-folk  left,  and 
passed  northwards  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Weser,  some  going  to  Jutland  and  some 
to  Holland.     A  few  of  the  latter  found  a  refuge  in  Great  Britain. 


128         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

In  Central  Europe,  in  the  district  we  have  called  the  Celtic  cradle,  we  find  two 
cultures  growing  up,  one  consisting  of  Alpine  peasants  under  Nordic  lords,  which 
prevailed  in  the  mountain  zone  ;  the  other,  more  truly  Nordic,  and  still  pastoral  and 
perhaps  nomadic,  was  Umited  to  the  Htmgarian  plain.  After  a  short  interval  of 
interruption,  trading  was  resumed  with  their  ItaUan  neighbours  by  way  of  Fiume. 

It  is  about  this  time  that  the  Nordic  steppe-folk  of  Hungary  demanded  larger 
and  larger  daggers,  until  at  length  the  earhest  leaf-shaped  sword  was  evolved  about 
1500  B.C.  During  the  following  years  a  few  adventurers  passed  into  the  Friuli  and  the 
Venetian  lands,  perhaps  to  trade,  or  perhaps  to  settle.  Others,  few  in  number,  seem 
to  have  visited  the  amber  coast  of  the  Baltic,  and  one,  at  least,  died  there  and  was 
buried  in  Schleswig-Holstein.  About  1450  B.C.  Type"  B  was  evolved  and  spread  over 
the  mountain  zone.  It  was  carried  by  traders  or  invaders  towards  the  Baltic, 
especially  to  Denmark.  Since  this  type  is  found  in  considerable  numbers  in  the  north, 
and  there  continued  its  own  local  development  for  many  years,  we  must  admit  that  these 
swords  were  not  taken  there  by  mere  adventurers,  but  by  invaders,  few  in  number, 
perhaps,  who  had  gone  north  to  Denmark,  and  perhaps  further  still,  and  settled, 
perhaps  as  a  governing  class,  among  the  people  they  found  there. 

From  1400  to  1300  B.C.,  while  Type  C  was  dominant,  there  appears  to  have  been 
Uttle  movement.  The  exodus  of  fifty  years  earUer  had  perhaps  given  ample  elbow 
room  to  those  who  were  left  behind.  But  soon  after  1300  B.C.  we  find  two  movements, 
more  or  less  simultaneous,  but  going  in  opposite  directions. 

The  first  of  these  movements  seems  to  have  started  from  the  valley  of  the  Save, 
perhaps  over  the  Predil  pass  into  the  Friuli,  but  more  probably,  as  Peet'  has  suggested, 
through  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  and  across  the  Adriatic  into  Italy.  If  the  latter  course 
were  taken,  the  invaders  landed  not  far  from  Ascoli  Piceno,  and  most  of  them  passed  up 
the  valley  of  the  Trento,  by  the  pass  through  which  the  Via  Salaria  afterwards  ran,  to 
the  valley  of  the  Velino.  Here  they  settled  in  that  fold  of  the  Apennines  between 
lakes  Trasimene  and  Fucino,  through  which  run,  in  opposite  directions,  the  Velino 
and  the  upper  waters  of  the  Tiber.  This  band  of  invaders  must  have  been  a  relatively 
small  one,  as  the  area  they  occupied  is  not  extensive  and  was  very  sharply  defined. 

3  Peet  (1909)  431. 


A  RECAPITULATION  129 

The  other  movement  went  to  the  east,  and  was  probably  that  great  emigration  from 
Europe  to  Asia  of  which  dim  recollections  survived  among  the  Greeks,  and  which  took 
the  Briges  into  Asia  Minor,  where  they  became  Phrygians/  It  also  carried  to  Thrace 
some,  at  any  rate,  of  its  red-haired  people.'  It  was  probably  some  stragglers  from 
this  group  who  passed  southwards,  Uke  knight-errants  destro5dng  monsters  and 
punishing  evil  doers,  and  who  eventually  became  kings  over  the  towns  of  Mycenean 
Greece.  These  were  known  later  as  Achseans,  and  may  possibly  have  included  also 
stragglers  from  the  group  which  had  passed  over  to  Italy. 

It  was  between  1200  and  1175  B.C.  that  the  next  movement  began,  and  this  was 
mainly  to  the  west  and  north.  Some  of  these  invaders  left  the  Danube  basin,  crossed 
the  Rhine,  and  passing  through  the  Belfort  gap,  entered  France,  and  over-ran  the  greater 
part  of  that  country.  Until  the  swords  of  this  type  have  been  catalogued  and  mapped, 
it  will  be  impossible  to  trace  their  line  of  advance,  or  to  determine  how  far  they  went. 
Some  of  these  seem  to  have  passed  either  down  the  Rhine  or  up  the  east  of  France,  for 
they  crossed  over  to  Britain,  landing  for  the  most  part  in  the  Thames  and  by  the  Wash, 
or  else  at  some  intermediate  points.  They  seem  to  have  settled  in  the  east  of  England, 
and  subsequently  in  Wessex,  but  later  waves  of  them  evidently  set  out  for  Ireland, 
crossing  Wales  by  the  upper  Severn  valley  and  the  Bala  cleft.  A  considerable  number 
of  these  seem  to  have  settled  in  Ireland. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  others  set  out  from  Hungary  through  the  Moravian 
gate,  and  while  some  went  northwards,  the  majority  passed  along  Galicia,  across  the 
Bukovina  and  Podolia,  and  arrived  at  length  by  the  banks  of  the  Koban.  Here  they 
settled  for  a  time,  and  entered  into  trade  relations  with  a  humble  tribe,  living  on  the 
southern  slopes  of  the  Caucasus,  from  whom  they  learned  the  knowledge  of  iron. 
Armed  with  swords  with  iron  blades,  they  returned  to  the  Danube  basin  about  iioo  B.C., 
and  perhaps  worked  the  iron  mines  at  Gyalar,  in  Transylvania.  Then  they  settled  in  the 
Hungarian  plain  and  in  the  north  of  the  Balkan  peninsula.  About  1050  B.C.  a  large 
body  of  these  people  from  the  Koban  passed  southwards  and  descended  the  Vardar 
valley.  By  degrees  they  passed  thence  to  Thessaly.  Then  they  began  that  slow  but 
steady  conquest  of  the   Greek  states,  which  is  known  as  the  Dorian  invasion. 

4  Herodotus  vii.  73. 

5  Xenophanes,  quoted  by  Clement  of  Alexandria :  Stromateis  vii.  711b. 


130 


THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 


A  little  later,  about  looo  B.C.,  the  Koban  folk,  with  their  iron  swords,  began 
pushing  up  the  Danube,  the  Drave  and  the  Save.  In  the  valley  of  the  last  they  found 
whole  mountains  of  iron,  which  they  began  to  work,  and  by  900  B.C.,  if  not  earlier, 
they  had  reached  St5a"ia  and  the  Salzkammergut,  and  were  working  the  salt  mines  at 
Hallstatt.  It  was,  perhaps,  earUer  than  this  that  they  moved  up  the  Danube  valley  as  far 
as  Ulm  and  Sigmaringen,  and  soon  after  their  arrival  there  quarrels  arose 
between  them  and  the  lords  of  the  mountain  zone.  It  must  have  been  before 
900  B.C.  that  the  newcomers  destroyed  the  lake-dwellings  and  expelled 
their  inhabitants,  who  fled  from  them  to  the  north  and  west. 

The  refugees  who  went  northwards  were  few  in  number,  though  some 
of  them  seem  to  have  iied  a  long  way,  perhaps  even  to  Finland.  Large 
numbers  escaped  to  France,  and  spread  over  most  of  that  land  except 
Brittany  and  the  extreme  west.  But  here  they  were  followed  by  the  men 
of  the  iron  sword,  who  pursued  them  in  every  direction,  except  down 
the  valley  of  the  Seine. 

A  great  number  of  these  refugees  reached  Britain,  landing  mostly 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  and  sailing  up  it  as  far  as  Reading.  An 
important  settlement  was  made  at  "  Old  England,"  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Brent,  and  doubtless  elsewhere  by  the  Thames.  They  advanced  across 
the  south  of  England,  where,  as  we  have  seen,  some  of  their  predecessors 
were  Hving,  and  settled  at  All  Cannings  and  doubtless  other  places  in 
Wiltshire.  They  pushed  on  into  South  Wales,  making  settlements  on  the 
FIG.  25.       open  hills  above  Cardiff.    Some  of  these,  too,  reached  Ireland. 

FROM  Meanwhile   the   men   of   the   iron   sword,  pursuing  these   refugees, 

FINLAND,      followed  them  in  every  direction  across  France,  except   down   the  valley 

of  the  Seine.    They  went  northwards  down  the  valleys   of  the   Meuse  and  Moselle, 

entered  Belgium,*  and  perhaps   even   entered  Denmark.      There  seems  no  evidence, 

however,  that  they  crossed  to  Britain. 

One  further  raid  was  made  by  the  men  of  the  iron  sword,  and  this  was  on  an 
extensive  scale.    Some  time  after  900  B.C.  a  number  of  them,  coming  from  the  Save 


«  D6chelette  (1908-14)  ii.  796. 


A  RECAPITULATION  131 

vaUey,  crossed  the  Predil  pass.  Some  of  these  stayed  for  a  time  at  Santa  Lucia  Tohnino, 
in  the  Isonzo  valley,  while  the  majority  proceeded  to  Cividale  in  the  Friuli  plain.  They 
passed  on  rapidly  to  the  Po  valley,  and  destroyed  the  villages  of  the  Terramara-folk 
who  Uved  there,  expeUing  the  inhabitants  as  seems  to  have  been  the  invariable  custom  of 
these  men  of  blood  and  iron.^  The  Terramara-folk  fled,  some  to  Etruria,  others  to  Taranto 
and  others  again  to  Rome,  where  they  built  a  dry  terramara  on  the  Palatine  Hill.*  The 
iron  sword  people  passed  on  and  settled  at  the  foot  of  the  Apennines,  with  their  centre 
at  Bologna,  introducing  into  all  the  region  north-east  of  the  mountains  the  culture 
known  to  archaeologists  as  that  of  ViUa-nova.» 

As  we  have  seen  in  Chapter  IV.,  the  Etruscans  had  been  for  some  Uttle  time 
settled  in  Tuscany,  where  they  had  estabUshed  their  trading  cities  governed  by  reUgious 
magistrates.  Before  long  these  Etruscan  Prospectors  found  themselves  face  to  face 
with  this  newly-arrived  war-like  people.  I  have  akeady  given  my  reasons  for  thinking 
that  the  Villa-nova  folk  conquered  the  Etruscans,  and  that  together  they  extended  their 
empire,  which  is  said  to  have  reached  to  Pompeii.  They  perhaps  succeeded  in  pressing 
back  the  leaf-shaped  sword  people  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Lake  Trasimene,  but 
did  not  apparently  succeed  at  first  in  dislodging  them  from  the  valley  of  the  Vehno. 

Thus  we  see  that  the  leaf-shaped  sword  folk,  mainly  the  people  of  the  mountain 
zone,  have  at  one  time  or  another  invaded  and  in  some  way  or  another  conquered  nearly 
all  Europe  except  the  Iberian  peninsula,  while  at  the  close  of  the  bronze  age  they 
arrived  as  refugees  in  Celtic  lands.  The  iron  sword  folk,  the  people  of  the  plain,  who 
had  learned  the  use  of  iron  in  the  Koban,  followed  them,  making  a  complete  conquest 
of  Greece,  of  Italy  north  of  the  Apennines,  of  France  all  but  the  west  and  the  Seine 
valley,  Belgium  and  perhaps  other  regions  further  north.  These  people  did  not  conquer 
Scandinavia,  nor  did  they  reach  Britain,  at  any  rate  until  several  more  centuries  had 
elapsed. 


7  Modestov  (1907)  217  ;  D6chelette  (1908-14)  ii.  529-540. 

'  Hooton  (1913). 

9  D^chelette  (1908-14)  ii.  529-540  ;  Modestov  {1907)  ch.  viii. 


;* 


Chapter  XII 
THE   ARYAN   CRADLE 

DURING  the  middle  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  minds  of  many 
European  savants  were  focussed  upon  what  was  termed  the  Aryan  hypothesis, 
which  was  investigated  with  more  enthusiasm  than  discretion  by  comparative 
philologists  in  England  and  France,  and  with  still  greater  vigour  in  Germany,  Since 
then  the  general  conclusions  of  these  mid-nineteenth  century  speculations  have 
been  current  among  politicians  and  journaUsts,  who  talk  gUbly  about  Teutons  and 
Celts  and  Slavs,  and  that  medley  of  races  and  peoples,  who  still  continue  to  use  in  a 
modified  form  the  speech  imposed  upon  them  by  their  Roman  conquerors,  and  are 
therefore  called  the  Latin  race.  (Such  terms,  meaningless  though  they  are  as  applied 
to  nations,  have  become  popular  during  the  last  half  century,  with  disastrous  results, 
since  they  have  been  used  to  emphasise  certain  divisions  which  were  growing  up 
among  European  peoples,  and  which  in  their  turn  did  much  to  give  rise  to  the  European 
war,  and  are  still  retarding  the  Peace  for  which  everyone  is  longing.) 

The  idea  was  first  put  forward  in  1786,  when  Sir  William  Jones,'  in  a 
communication  to  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  pointed  out  the  similarities 
between  the  Sanskrit,  Greek,  Latin,  German  and  Celtic  languages,  but  httle  progress 
was  made  until  in  1833-5  Bopp*  pubhshed  his  comparative  grammar.  For  the  next 
fifty  years  the  hypothesis  grew  at  a  great  pace.  The  world  was  anxious  for  a  scientific 
classification  of  its  peoples,  especially  of  the  peoples  of  Europe.  Men  were  also 
enquiring  what  had  happened  in  this  continent  before  early  Greek  legend  and  hterature 
began  to  Uft  the  veil.  The  sciences  of  anthropology  and  prehistoric  archasology  were 
in  their  infancy,  and  unable  to  provide  answers  to  these  questions,  and  the  comparative 

«  Jones  (1788).  «  Bopp  (1833).  (1845-50),  (1866-74). 

132 


THE  ARYAN  CRADLE  133 

philologists,  from  the  evidence  of  language  alone,  were  prepared  to  give  full  and  most 
detailed  explanations. 

Thus  arose  the  Aryan  hypothesis,  forced  upon  an  eagerly  inquiring  public  with 
great  enthusiasm  and  complete,  or  almost  complete,  agreement.  But  during  the 
eighties  rifts  appeared  to  disturb  this  harmony,  anthropology  and  archaeology  began 
to  claim  a  hearing,  and  to  disagree  with  the  conclusions  of  philology.  By  1890  the 
philological  enthusiasm  died  out,  at  least  in  this  coimtry  and  in  France,  though  for 
a  time  it  lingered  on  in  Germany.  All  those  acquainted  with  the  subject  felt  that  the 
question  needed  reconsideration,  partly  in  the  hght  of  more  accurate  philological  study, 
and  especially  having  regard  to  the  newer  evidence  being  produced  in  such  quantities 
by  the  sciences  of  anthropology  and  prehistoric  archaeology.  The  general  public, 
however,  continued  to  talk  and  to  write,  with  more  confidence  than  before,  of  Teutons, 
Celts,  Slavs  and  the  Latin  races. 

A  word  as  to  the  term  Aryan.  When  it  was  found  that  Sanskrit  was  aUied  to 
most  of  the  European  languages,  it  was  felt  that  a  term  was  needed  to  describe  the 
group.  Bopp,  thinking  that  the  German  or  Teutonic  group  was  the  most  westerly, 
as  the  Indian  dialects  were  the  most  easterly,  used  the  term  Indo-Germanic,  which  had 
previously  been  suggested  by  Klaproth  in  1823.'  But  when  it  was  fully  reaUsed  that  the 
Celtic  tongues  were  also  included  in  the  group,  French  and  ItaUan  scholars,  who  felt  that 
the  term  German  was  receiving  too  much  prominence,  suggested  the  name 
Indo-European.  Neither  of  these  terms  is  quite  accurate  and  both  are  clumsy,  so  to 
avoid  the  latter  defect  Professor  Max-Miiller  suggested  the  term  Aryan.  This,  too, 
is^misleading,  for  the  Aryas  were  the  noble  caste  among  the  Vedic  Indians  and  the 
early  Persians.  The  name,  however,  is  convenient,  and  is  still  used  by  many  people, 
especially  in  this  country.  Recently  Dr.  Giles"*  has  suggested  for  the  original  people 
who  spoke  these  tongues  the  name  of  Wiros,  as  words  similar  to  this,  meaning  men, 
occur  in  most  of  these  languages.  The  term  has  much  to  recommend  it,  and  it  will  be 
used  in  the  following  pages  for  the  first  users  of  this  speech. 

When  the  connection  between  these  languages  was  first  realised,  it  was  felt  that 
all  the  tongues  had  been  derived  from  a  primitive  mother  speech,  and  that  this  primitive 

J  Klaproth  (1823).  4  Giles  (1910-11)  ;  1922,66. 


134  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

speech  must  have  been  spoken  originally  by  a  small  group  of  people,  the  primitive 
Aryans,  or,  as  we  shall  call  them,  the  Wiros.  But  owing  to  loose  thinking  all  the  people 
who  speak  these  languages  to-day,  as  well  as  those  who  have  spoken  them  in  the  past, 
were  considered  Aryans,  and  it  was  assumed  that  because  their  languages  were  related 
they  were  racially  identical.  As  long  as  this  appUed  only  to  European  peoples  no  one 
raised  any  protest,  but  when  Max-Miiller  asserted  that  the  same  blood  runs  in  the  veins 
of  EngUsh  soldiers  as  in  the  veins  of  the  darkest  Bengalese,'  the  Nordic  spirit  in  this 
country,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  is  prone  to  race  exclusiveness,  rose  in  its  wrath,  and 
the  whole  generalisation  was  questioned. 

It  was  then  shown  that  languages  could  be  imposed  by  conquerors  upon  their 
subjects,  and  that  there  were  instances  on  record  of  the  reverse  process  taking  place, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  Prankish  invaders  of  Gaul  and  the  Viking  settlers  in  Normandy. 
People  then,  with  equal  lack  of  lucid  thinking,  ran  to  the  opposite  extreme  and  said, 
"  there  is  now  no  Aryan  race,  and  there  never  has  been  one."  To  Penka*  is  due  the 
credit  of  making  the  matter  clear.  He  pointed  out  that  Aryan  blood  is  not  co-extensive 
with  Aryan  speech.  He  showed  that  those  who  use  the  latter  are  of  several  distinct 
anthropological  types,  but  he  argued  that  the  primitive  Aryans  or  Wiros  must  have 
been  of  one  typei 

Penka's  contention  seems  eminently  reasonable  and,  one  would  think, 
incontrovertible,  for  a  group  of  languages,  so  closely  resembUng  one  another,  must 
have  grown  up  in  a  somewhat  restricted  area,  among  a  people  who  had,  during  the 
formative  period  of  the  language,  Uttle  intercourse  with  the  outside  world.  The  very 
conditions  which  would  produce  a  speciaUsed  t5T)e  of  language,  would,  we  may  feel 
sure,  have  produced  an  equally  speciaUsed  type  of  men,  that  is  to  say,  a  race  in  the 
anthropological  meaning  of  the  term. 

The  failure  of  Penka's  views  to  carry  widespread  conviction  was,  I  am  incUned 
to  think,  due  to  the  fact  ^that  his  theory  involved  the  identification  of  the  primitive 
Wiros  with  the  Nordic  race)  There  is  really  no  vaUd  objection  to  this  view,  and,  as  will 
be  seen  later,  the  evidence  which  I  am  adducing  points  to  a  similar  conclusion.  But, 
unfortunately,  this  theory  became  associated  with  certain  poUtical  opinions,  and  so 
became  distasteful  to  those  with  a  different  outlook. 

5  Max-MuUer  (1855)  29.  *  Penka  {1883.  1886). 


THE  ARYAN  CRADLE  135 

The  original  supporters  of  the  Aryan  hypothesis  fell  so  in  love  with  the  languages  / 
and  with  the  people  who  originally  developed  them,  that  they  grew  to  beheve  that  these 
Wiros  were  superior  creatures,  with  a  superior  tongue,  which  they  had  imposed  upon 
an  inferior  world.  All  good  things  found  in  the  civihsation  of  Europe  were  attributed 
to  them,  and  they  became  the  super-men.  As  far  as  we  can  ascertain  from  the 
linguistic  evidence  available  they  had,  it  is  true,  evolved  a  language  which,  owing  to  its 
flexibiUty,  was  capable  of  great  things,  but  it  is  by  no  means  clear  that  the  higher 
developments,  which  some  of  the  tongues  have  reached,  would  have  been  attained  had 
not  the  Wiros  mixed  with  people  possessing  other  ideas  and  other  idioms.  The 
evidence  of  hnguistic  palaeontology  shows  that  in  material  culture  they  were  very 
backward,  and,  as  we  shall  see  later  on,  all  the  archaeological  evidence  tends  to  show 
that  in  these  respects  they  were  far  behind  the  peoples  whom  they  conquered,  and  on 
whom  they  imposed  their  tongue.  Their  one  important  characteristic  seems  to  have  been 
their  incapacity  for  learning  other  languages,  and  so  insisting  that  other  folk  should 
adopt  theirs.'  This  may  have  been  due  to  lack  of  linguistic  abihty,  or  to  an  overbearing 
conceit.  Probably  it  was  due  to  both.  The  original  Wiros,  then,  as  judged  by  linguistic 
evidence,  were  far  from  being  super-men. 

Another  fallacy  has  been  the  belief  that  the  Nordic  is  the  superior  person,  the 
"  white  man "  par  excellence.  The  Nordic  is  strong,  robust  and  courageous,  and 
possesses  certain  manly  quahties  which  are  much  admired  ;  also  he  has  taken  care  for 
some  thousands  of  years  to  impress  upon  his  neighbours  that  these  are  admirable 
quaUties.  The  Nordic  has  also  other  good  points,  such  as  honesty  and  a  genius  for 
administration,  but  he  is  far  from  possessing  a  monopoly  of  the  virtues,  and  in  many 
respects  falls  behind  members  of  the  other  European  races.  The  works  of  Gobineau' 
and  later  of  Madison  Grant*  have  enumerated  his  virtues  without  defining  his 
limitations,  and  no  one,  so  far  as  I  know,  has  yet  written  to  extol  the  excellencies  of 
the  Alpine  or  Mediterranean  races,  who  have  contributed  and  still  contribute  much 
of  what  is  good  in  the  make-up  of  modem  Europe. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  Germans  were  engaged  in 
making  and  consoUdating  their  empire,  and  to  do  this  they  wished  to  encourage  their 

7  Gobineau  (1853-55).  «  Grant  (1916),  (1921). 


136         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

nationals  to  believe  that  Germans,  qua  Germans,  were  the  inheritors  of  many,  in  fact 
of  most  admirable  qualities.  As  a  matter  of  fact  such  "  patriotic  "  ideas  were  current 
in  most  countries,  as  can  be  seen  by  an  examination  of  the  school  text-books,  especially 
history  books,  in  use  at  that  time,  and  sometimes,  too,  at  the  present  day.  Only  in  this, 
as  is  their  wont,  the  Germans  were  very  thorough,  and  they  pressed  every  science  and 
every  hypothesis  into  their  service. 

What  was  read  into  the  hypothesis  of  Penka,  though  it  does  not  follow  that  he 
\  wished  it,  was  that  these  Wiros  or  Aryan  super-men  were  the  same  as  the  Nordic  super-men, 
and  that  their  home  was  in  Germany,  as  could  easily  be  proved  from  the  pages  of 
Tacitus. ;  It  was  impUed  that  from  Germany  had  come  all  that  was  Aryan  or  Nordic  or 
really  valuable  in  the  population  of  other  countries,  and  that,  therefore,  the  Aryan  Nordic 
Germans  were  the  salt  of  the  earth.  This  view,  which  grew  up  insensibly  from  the 
hypothesis  of  Penka  and  others,  was  caught  hold  of  by  those  who  were  wishing  to 
transform  the  peaceful  Alpine  German  into  an  aggressive  militarist,  and  in  its  full  absurdity 
was  given  to  the  world  by  a  renegade  EngHshman,  Herr  Houston  Chamberlain.' 

Now,  as  we  have  seen,  the  original  Wiros,  though  they  had  their  good  points, 
had  by  no  means  a  monopoly  of  the  virtues,  and  were  enabled  to  spread  their  tongues 
largely  by  their  incapacity  and  unwiUingness  to  learn  the  speech  of  others.)  The  Nordic 
is  a  picturesque  and  romantic  figure,  with  many  admirable  qualities,  but  is  seldom 
clever,  skilful  with  his  hands  or  patient  in  research.  Lastly,  an  examination  of  the 
physical  types,  as  they  exist  to-day  in  Germany,  shows  us  that  outside  the  former 
kingdom  of  Hanover,  the  Nordic  type  is  rare."  There  are  probably  as  many  pure 
Nordics  in  France,  distributed  over  the  northern  departments  from  Dunkirk  almost  to 
the  west  of  Brittany,  as  will  be  found  in  the  German  empire.  There  is  this  difference 
only  between  the  populations  of  the  two  countries.  In  Germany  the  fair  colouring  of 
the  Nordic  element  seems  to  be  a  dominant  character  over  the  relatively  dark  pigmentation 
of  the  Alpine ;  so  we  meet  with  a  majority  of  people  having  broad  Alpine  heads  but 
fair  Nordic  colouration.  In  France,  on  the  other  hand,  there  is  a  large  Mediterranean 
element,  surviving  from  neoUthic  days,  and  the  brunette  colouring  of  this  race  is  more 
dominant  than  the  blondness  of  the  Nordic.  As  all  three  types  have  mingled  in 
France,  fair  hair  is  less  frequently  found  among  those  with  broad  heads. 

9  Chamberlain  (191 1).  »•  Ripley  (1900)  217,  218  ;  Parsons  {1919). 


THE  ARYAN  CRADLE  137 

The  use  made  of  the  Aryan  Nordic  equation  by  German  political  propagandists  has 
inclined,  French  and,  to  some  extent,  English  writers,  to  reject  this  view.  This  objection 
has  been  in  a  large  measure  due  to  misunderstandings,  and  in  any  case  it  is  unscientific  to 
allow  national  and  political  prejudices  to  influence  our  opinions  on  such  questions. 

If,  then,  we  agree  with  Penka  that  there  must  have  been  an  original  Aryan  race, 
or,  as  we  shall  call  them,  Wiros,  it  is  important  to  ascertain  what  part  of  the  world  it  was, 
from  which  these  languages  spread  to  Ireland  and  Bengal.  This  is  the  problem  of 
the  Aryan  cradle. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  hypothesis  students  noted  that  Sanskrit  was  the  most 
archaic  of  the  languages,  and  forgetting  that  the  Vedic  hymns  were  composed  1000  or 
1500  B.C.,  while  the  earliest  Greek  literature  dated  from  800  or  900  B.C.,  there  was  a 
tendency  to  derive  the  whole  group  from  North  India."  Subsequently,  when  the  close 
connection  between  Sanskrit  and  Zend,  the  ancient  Persian  tongue,  was  recognised, 
and  it  was  realised  that  the  Vedic  folk  were  recent  arrivals  in  the  Punjab  when  the  Vedic 
hymns  were  being  composed,  the  Aryan  cradle  was  removed  to  the  region  watered  by 
the  Oxus  and  the  Jaxartes,  and  the  slopes  of  the  Hindu  Kush." 

Here  the  cradle  remained  for  a  long  time.  Pott,  hypnotised  by  his  aphorism  ex 
oriente  lux,  drew  a  wonderful  picture  of  the  westward  advance  of  the  Wiros  from  their 
eastern  home.  Others  filled  in,  largely  from  their  own  imaginations,  the  remaining 
details.  And  so  we  get  the  mid-nineteenth  century  view  of  these  Aryan  super-men, 
with  a  language  containing  potentialities  of  all  that  is  fine  in  literature,  with  a  social 
organisation  and  moraUty  which  was  to  reform  benighted  Europe,  worshipping  deities 
which  were  the  products  either  of  solar  or  chthonic  myths  or  of  diseases  of  language, 
setting  forth  from  the  western  slopes  of  the  Himalayan  massif,  urged  on  "by  an 
irresistible  impulse  "  towards  the  setting  sun,  migrating  westward  and  ever  westward, 
carrying  their  wives  and  families  in  the  famous  Aryan  cart  provided  for  them  by  a 
distinguished  anthropologist.'^  Such  was  the  view  unanimously  held  by  all  Europe, 
and  which  figures  stiU  in  too  many  text-books.  One  man  only  was  left  crying  in  the 
wilderness,  or  at  least  in  the  steppe,  and  he  was  an  EngHshman.    As  Hehn'*  wrote  in  1874, 

"  Adelung  (1806-17)  ii.  6.  »3  Tylor  (1881)  79-82. 

"  Pott  (1840)  19.  M  Hehn  (1874)  quoted  by  Taylor  (1889)23, 


138         THE  BRONZE 'AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

"  so  it  came  to  pass  that  in  England,  the  native  land  of  fads,  there  chanced  to  enter  into 
the  head  of  an  eccentric  individual  the  notion  of  placing  the  cradle  of  the  Aryan  race 
in  Europe." 

Those  of  us  who  live  "  in  that  land  of  fads"  may  well  be  proud  of  Dr.  Latham,  who 
advanced  these  views  in  185 1,  and  subsequently  enlarged  upon  them."  In  due  course 
nearly  all  other  philologists  followed  suit,  and  Max-Miiller  alone  was  unrepentent,  and 
as  late  as  1887  wrote  "  I  shoiild  still  say,  as  I  said  forty  years  ago,  '  Somewhere  in  Asia,' 
and  no  more."'*  But  by  then  the  Asiatic  cradle  had  gone  to  the  Umbo  of  exploded 
hypotheses. 

In  1868  Benfey,  in  a  preface  to  Pick's  work,''  acknowledged  the  value  of  Latham's 
protests,  and,  arguing  for  the  first  time  from  the  type  of  evidence  known  as  hnguistic 
palaeontology,  advocated  a  European  as  distinguished  from  an  Asiatic  cradle,  and 
suggested,  as  Latham  had  done  earUer,  the  region  north  of  the  Black  Sea.  He  was 
followed  in  1871  by  Geiger,'*  who  with  national  pride  wished  to  prove  that  the 
super-man  had  always  Uved  in  the  plain  of  North  Germany,  to  which,  some  years  later, 
Pi^trement"  retorted  by  suggesting  that  Geiger's  arguments  would  apply  equally  well 
to  the  neighbourhood  of  Lake  Balkash  and  the  Ala-tau  mountains. 

In  the  same  year  in  which  Geiger's  work  appeared  Cuno  made  a  notable  contribution 
to  the  hypothesis.*"  He  contended  that  the  original  undivided  Wiros  were  not  a  small 
clan,  but  must  have  been  a  numerous,  nomad  pastoral  people,  inhabiting  an  extensive  steppe 
region.  For  the  evolution  of  the  parent  tongue  with  its  elaborate  grammar  a  long 
period,  several  thousands  of  years,  must  have  been  needed,  and  during  this  time  the 
Wiros  must  have  moved  freely  over  the  area  of  the  cradle,  having  frequent  intercourse 
with  one  another,  but  little  or  none  with  outsiders.  These  conditions,  he  thought, 
could  only  be  obtained  on  a  vast  plain,  undivided  by  lofty  mountain  barriers  or 
impassable  forests ;  this  cradle  must  have  been  in  a  temperate  climate,  tolerably 
uniform  in  character,  where  there  would  have  been  ample  room  for  the  growth  of  a 
numerous  people.  Such  an  area  can  only  be  found  in  the  great  plain  of  Northern 
Europe,  stretching  from  the  north  of  France  to  the  Ural  mountains. 

■5  Latham  (1851)  cxlii.,  {1854)  197,  198,  (1859)  ii.  503.  '«  Geiger  (1871)  1 13-150. 

■'  Max-Mailer  (1888)  127.  ■'  Pi^trement  (1879). 

«7  Pick  (1868).  »  Cuno  (1871). 


THE  ARYAN  CRADLE  139 

Further  investigation  has  shown  that  much  of  this  plain  was  filled  with  dense 
forests  and  impassable  morasses,  but  that  the  open  steppe  begins  in  Russia,  and  extends 
uninterruptedly  to  the  slopes  of  the  Hindu  Kush,  with  certain  westward  prolongations, 
especially  the  sandy  heaths  to  the  north  of  the  Carpathians,  stretching  from  the  Russian 
steppe,  across  Galicia,  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Breslau.  North  of  this,  too,  is  a  belt  of 
parkland,  opening  on  to  the  steppe,  where  nomad  herdsmen  could  drive  their  cattle 
when  the  grass  of  the  steppe  became  burnt  up.  Here,  it  would  seem,  was  an  area  which 
would  meet  the  needs  of  the  linguistic  palaeontologist,  and  it  was  in  this  region  that  the 
Aryan  cradle  was  placed  by  Dr.  Schrader  in  1883,*'  and  here  it  has  remained  without 
opposition  until  quite  recently. 

During  the  last  few  months  there  has  appeared  the  first  volume  of  the  Cambridge 
History  of  India,  to  which  Dr.  Peter  Giles  had  contributed  a  chapter  on  the  Aryans." 
In  this,  in  which  he  has  repeated  his  suggestion  that  these  people  should  in  future  be 
called  Wiros,  he  has  put  forward  views  which  differ  in  material  respects  from  those 
hitherto  held.  His  suggestion  is,  in  fact,  that  the  Aryan  cradle  is  to  be  sought  for  in  the 
plain  of  Hungary. 

In  contradistinction  to  views  previously  advanced,  he  believes  that  the  original 
Wiros  were  settled  agriculturists  and  not  nomad  herdsmen.''  He  bases  this  conclusion, 
apparently,  on  the  fact  that  they  knew  of  com.  A  careful  study  of  all  the  evidence  on 
this  subject  collected  by  Schrader'^  convinces  me,  however,  that  it  is  far  from  certain 
that  the  undivided  Wiros  were  acquainted  with  cultivated  grain,  for  the  terms  used,  few 
if  any  of  which  run  through  all  the  languages,  may  well  apply  to  wild  grain,  and  oats 
grow  wild  on  the  Russian  steppe,"  and  may  well  have  been  used  as  food  for  man  and 
beast.  Moreover  it  is  not  an  unknown  thing  for  nomad  people  to  grow  scratch  crops  of 
grain.  Such  crops  of  barley  I  have  myself  seen  grown  by  nomad  Bedawin  in  the  clay 
deserts  behind  Alexandria.  The  steppe-folk,  too,  hke  most  nomads,  were  probably  in 
the  habit  of  making  occasional  raids  on  the  settled  lands  on  their  margin,  and  we  have 
actual  evidence  that  this  occurred.  We  know  also  that  settled  cultivators  were  living 
both  at  Tripolje  and  at  Anau  on  the  edge  of  the  steppe.     The  original  Wiro  word  for 

"  Schrader  (1890)  438.  m  Schrader  (1890)  ch.  v. 

»  Giles  (1922).  '5  Obermaier  (1912)  i.  439-464  ;  Hoops  (1904) ;  (1911-19)11.354. 

»3  Giles  (1922)  67,  68. 


140         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

grain  might  well  be  the  name  they  used  for  this  kind  of  booty,  nor  need  we  exclude  the 
possibility  that  when  times  were  hard  they  acquired  grain  by  trade  from  their  settled 
neighbours,  as  Abraham,  a  nomad  steppe-man,  purchased  com  from  Egypt.  The 
argument  from  the  words  for  grain  seems  indecisive,  and  the  balance  of  the  evidence 
cited  by  Schrader  seems  in  favour  of  a  nomad  existence. 

Dr.  Giles  feels  that  "  the  close  similarity  between  the  various  languages  spoken  by 
them  would  lead  us  to  infer  that  they  must  have  hved  for  long  in  a  severely 
circumscribed  area,  so  that  their  peculiarities  developed  for  many  generations  in 
common.'"*  This,  as  we  have  seen,  was  Cuno's  idea,  and  is  an  eminently  sound 
conclusion.  But  Dr.  Giles  would  see  in  this  circumscribed  area  one  surrounded  with  a 
ring  of  mountains,  while  Cuno  thought  that  it  demanded  an  extensive  steppe.  The 
difference  between  the  two  views  seems  to  depend  upon  whether  the  Wiros  were  nomad 
or  settled,  and  I  have  already  given  reasons  for  beUeving  them  to  have  been  nomads. 

Dr.  Giles  objects  to  the  steppe-cradle.  He  gives  as  his  reason  that  this  region 
has  not  on  the  whole  the  characteristics  required  by  the  conclusions  drawn  from 
linguistic  palaeontology;"'  on  the  other  hand  Schrader,  who  has  studied  this  side  of 
philology  more  exhaustively  than  most  inquirers,  beUeves  that  the  conditions  are  fulfilled.** 
Neither  argument  is  perhaps  conclusive,  and  both  deserve  serious  attention  ;  the  decision 
must  rest  upon  evidence  drawn  from  those  other  sciences  which  deal  with  the  far  past. 

We  have  found  reason  for  believing  that  in  neoUthic  days  the  Russian  steppe  east 
of  the  Dnieper  was  inhabited  by  a  nomad  steppe-folk,  who  had  domesticated  horses  and 
cattle,  and  perhaps  sheep.  As  they  hved  on  a  plain  they  had  probably  not  met  with 
the  goat,  which  is  a  mountain  beast,  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  name  for  goat  varies 
in  nearly  all  the  Wiro  languages.*'  These  nomad  steppe-folk,  who  buried  their  dead  in 
a  contracted  position  covered  with  red  ochre  under  kurgans  or  barrows,  were,  we  beUeve, 
Nordic  or  proto-Nordic  in  type,  and  some,  at  least,  of  their  skeletons  remind  us  of  the 
Briinn-Brux-Combe-Capelle  type,'"  who  hunted  horses  in  late  Aurignacian  and 
Solutrean  times. 


»<  Giles  (1922)  66.  »»  Giles  (1922)  67. 

»7  Giles  (1922)  69.  30  Fleure  (1922)  13. 

»'  Schrader  (1890)  438. 


THE  ARYAN  CRADLE  141 

The  state  of  civilisation  and  the  area  of  distribution  of  those  nomad  steppe-folk 
exactly  corresponds  with  the  requirements  of  the  early  Wiros  as  postulated  by  Schrader, 
though  it  differs  in  some  respects  from  those  demanded  by  Giles.  On  the  other  hand, 
in  Magdalenian  and  Azihan  times,  and  perhaps  during  the  earlier  phases  of  the  neolithic 
age,  the  ancestors  of  these  people  may  well  have  lived  in  the  Htmgarian  plain,  and  we 
have  seen  how  some  of  them  survived  in  Switzerland,  at  Chamblandes,  well  into  neolithic 
times.^' 

It  is  possible,  then,  that  the  circumscribed  area,  though  not  the  settled 
agricultural  condition,  demanded  by  Dr.  Giles,  may  have  been  true  in  the  later  phases 
of  the  upper  palaeohthic  age.  This,  however,  he  will  not  agree  to,  for  he  is  persuaded 
that  the  hiatus,  assumed  by  the  earUer  archaeologists,  still  exists,  and  that  the  upper 
palaeoHthic  age,  as  well  as  the  lower,  preceded  the  last  ice  age  and  belongs  to  a  very  remote 
past. 

Some  archaeologists,  it  is  true,  still  hold  to  these  views,  and  this  inflated  chronology 
has  not  yet  been  abandoned  by  all.  During  the  last  few  years,  however,  the  shorter 
dating^'  has  become  more  generally  accepted,  and  this  brings  the  whole  of  the  neanthropic 
period  into  relatively  recent  times,  and  gives  us  a  continuous  history  from  the  Aurignacian 
period  to  the  present  day.  If  Dr.  Giles  could  be  persuaded  to  accept  these  more  modern 
views  on  palaeoHthic  chronology,  many  of  his  difficulties  would  be  removed,  and  he 
might  agree  to  place  the  Hungarian  cradle  of  the  Wiros  in  the  latter  part  of  the  upper 
palaeoHthic  age. 

Dr.  Giles  raises  objections  also  to  the  continuity  of  the  Russio-Turkestan  steppe, 
and  maintains  that  a  connection  between  South  Russia  and  the  east,  north  of  the  Black 
Sea,  would  have  been  impossible."  He  is,  therefore,  disposed  to  take  the  Wiros  to  Persia 
and  India  by  way  of  Asia  Minor. 

The  great  objection  which  he  cites  to  the  northern  passage  is  the  existence  of  the 
barren  Ust  Urt  desert.  Also  the  fact  that  the  Caspian  has  steadily  been  becoming 
more  shallow  and  contracting  in  area.  These  two  points,  if  true,  to  some  extent 
contradict  one  another.    It  is  true,  doubtless,  that  at  one  time  the  Caspian  had  covered 

V  Schenk  (1912)  176.  33  Giles  (1922)  69,  70. 

3'  App.  I. 


142  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

a  greatly  extended  area,  but  it  is  not  so  clear  that  its  contraction  has  been  a  steady 
progress.  We  have  already  seen,  from  the  evidence  cited  by  Ellsworth  Huntington,** 
that  this  contraction  and  expansion  has  probably  been  intermittent.  In  any  case, 
the  contraction  has  been  due  to  hght  rainfall,  and  it  is  this  hght  rainfall  which  has 
produced  the  desert  condition  of  the  Ust  Urt.  When  the  Caspian  expanded,  it  was  because 
of  increased  precipitation,  when  such  parts  of  the  Ust  Urt  as  were  not  inundated  would 
have  been  a  grassy  steppe. 

Dr.  Giles  suggests  that  at  one  time  the  Caspian  and  Aral  seas  were  one  great 
inland  sea,  and  that  such  was  at  one  time  the  case  is  impUed  by  extracts  from  the 
writings  of  Herodotus."  But  though  this  was  almost  certainly  the  case  during  periods 
of  relatively  heavy  rainfall,  the  level  would  have  to  have  risen  well  above  the  200  metre 
contour  to  have  obstructed  the  passage  between  the  Russian  and  Turkestan  steppes. 
Such  a  rise  is  quite  unthinkable  during  the  last  6000  years,  for  had  the  siu-face  been 
raised  220  feet  above  the  present  sea  level  the  Caspio-Aral  Sea  would  have  been 
connected  with  the  Euxine.^*  Even  had  the  impossible  occurred  and  the  200  metre 
contour  been  reached  it  would  have  been  quite  easy  to  pass  from  one  steppe  area  to 
another,  by  crossing  the  southern  slopes  of  the  Urals,  which  are  raised  very  Uttle  above  the 
plain  and  would  form  no  obstacle  to  nomad  tribes. 

The  AnatoUan  passage  was  by  no  means  an  easy  route  to  the  east,  for  had  the 
Wiros  kept  to  the  north  they  would  have  found  difficulty  in  crossing  the  Armenian 
mountains  ;  further  south  they  would  have  come  into  contact  with  the  peoples  of 
Mesopotamia,  and  we  should  have  found  evidence  of  their  presence.  That  some  of 
them  passed  this  way  about  2200  B.C.  we  have  already  seen,  but  others  had  passed 
eastwards  earUer,  apparently  by  a  different  route,  for  otherwise  it  is  difficult  to  account 
for  the  presence  of  the  Kassites  on  the  Iranian  plateau  in  the  time  of  Hammurabi.  The 
complete  absence  of  any  evidence  of  a  movement  eastward  from  the  Hungarian  plain 
in  neohthic  days,  and  the  fact  that  any  such  movement  would  have  been  compelled  to 
cross  the  area  occupied  by  the  settled  Tripolje-folk,  seem  to  be  fatal  to  the  hteral 
acceptance  of  this  hypothesis. 

M  Huntington  (1907),  (191 1)-  ''  Casson  (1918-19)  178. 

SJ  Herodotus  i.  203,  204  ;  iv.  40  ;  Casson  (1918-19)  175-183. 


THE  ARYAN  CRADLE  143 

Taking  all  factors,  anthropological  and  archaeological,  geographical  and  linguistic, 
into  consideration,  and  in  spite  of  the  difference  in  opinion  expressed  by  Dr.  Giles, 
whose  authority  to  pronounce  on  the  linguistic  data  all  must  acknowledge,  I  am 
venturing  to  identify  the  nomad  steppe-folk  with  the  primitive  Wiros,  while  admitting 
the  possibility  that  the  beginnings  of  their  language  may  date  back  to  Magdalenian 
and  AziUan  times,  when  they  may  have  been  Uving  surrounded  by  the  Carpathian 
ring. 


Chapter  XIII 
P'S   AND   Q'S 

WE  have  seen  that  with  one  notable  exception,  little  attempt  has  been  made 
to  explain  the  early  history  of  the  Wiros  since  1889,  and  the  position  of  the 
Aryan  hypothesis  has  remained  stationary.'  It  is  true  that  fresh  evidences  of 
such  languages  have  been  discovered  in  the  uplands  of  Asia,  and  a  new  group,  known 
as  Tocharian,*  have  been  identified.  Certain  affinities  to  the  group  have  also  been  noted 
in  the  Hittite  language,  which  has  been  claimed  by  some  writers  to  be  a  true  Wiro 
tongue.'  But  this  view  has  not  received  general  acceptance.  Little  use,  however,  has 
been  made  of  this  fresh  evidence  towards  solving  the  problem  of  the  Aryan  cradle. 

But  early  in  189 1  an  important  communication  was  made  to  the  Philological 
Society  by  Professor,  afterwards  Sir,  John  Rhys.*  This  paper  raised  a  storm  of  hostile 
criticism,  especially  in  Germany,'  and  its  conclusions  have  not  found  favour  in  philological 
circles.  As,  however,  some  of  Sir  John's  conclusions  coincide  in  certain  particulars  with 
the  reconstruction  offered  in  the  previous  pages,  based  on  other  evidence,  the  thesis 
demands  reconsideration. 

To  summarise  briefly,  Rhys  pointed  out  that  the  Celtic  languages,  now  confined 
to  the  north-western  fringe  of  Europe,  fell  naturally  into  two  well-defined  groups. 
One  of  these,  the  Gaelic,  or  as  he  preferred  to  call  it  the  Goidelic,  was  spoken  in  Ireland, 
North- West  Scotland  and  the  Isle  of  Man.  The  other,  formerly  called  Cymric,  but  by 
Rhys  styled  Brythonic,  was  spoken  in  Wales,  Cornwall  and  Brittany.  There  are  several 
marked  differences  between  these  two  groups  of  languages,  the  most  important  being 

»  The  best  summaries  up  to  this  date  are  Taylor  (1889)  and  Reinach  (1892). 
>  Sieg  and  Siegling  (1921) 
J  Hrozny  (1917). 

4  Rhys  (1894). 

5  Zimmer  (igia) ;  Meyer  (1895-6)  55-86. 

«44 


FS  AND  Q'S  145 

that  the  C  in  the  Goidelic,  which  represents  an  earUer  Q  or  Qu,  is  replaced  in  Brythonic 
by  a  P  or  perhaps  a  B.  Thus  the  Celtic  languages  fall  into  two  well-defined  groups  which 
may  be  called  the  Q  and  P  dialects. 

Rhys  pointed  out,  too,  that  in  the  Italian  peninsula  the  same  phenomenon  appeared. 
In  Latin,  and  the  dialects  most  closely  allied  to  it,  Q  or  Qu  was  found,  while  in  the  Umbrian 
forms  of  speech,  used  over  the  greater  part  of  the  peninsula  this  sound  was  replaced  by 
P.    Thus  there  were  Q  and  P  dialects  in  Italy  also. 

He  further  pointed  out  that  the  Greek  language,  with  certain  exceptions,  was  a 
true  P  dialect,  for  the  Latin  equus  corresponded  to  the  Greek  'nrTht.  He  suggested,  however, 
that  the  Ionic  dialect  used  by  Herodotus  and  Hippocrates,  which  frequently  had  a  « 
where  the  standard  Greek  had  a  tt,*  was  a  descendant  of  a  form  of  Q  speech,  but  that 
the  Qu  had  degenerated  into  k,  as  it  had  into  C  in  GoideUc. 

Further,  he  pointed  out  that  the  Q  dialects,  GoideUc,  Latin  and  Ionic  Greek,  formed 
so  to  speak  an  outer  ring,  while  Brythonic,  Umbrian  and  standard  Greek  lay  within  them. 
He  argued  from  this  that  these  tongues  had  spread  in  two  waves  from  a  common  centre, 
which  he  fixed  in  the  mountain  zone  of  Central  Europe,  and  thence  the  Q  tongues  had 
spread  by  invasion,  to  be  followed  some  few  centuries  later  by  a  second  invasion  of 
P  people,  who  had  driven  the  Q  people  further  from  the  original  home. 

He  suggested  that  the  change  of  Q  into  P  had  been  effected  by  a  conquering 
group  of  aUens,  who  had  adopted  the  Wiro  tongue  from  their  subjects,  but  retained  some 
details  of  the  phonological  laws  of  their  original  language,  which  accounted  for  this 
labialisation.  He  further  suggested  that  these  alien  invaders  were  the  Alpine 
inhabitants  of  the  Swiss  lake-dwellings.' 

This  paper  was  received  with  hostile  criticism  and  derision,  especially  by  some 
German  students  of  Celtic  tongues.*  It  had  Uttle  better  reception  in  France,  and  the 
British  and  Irish  Celtic  scholars,  with  a  few  exceptions,  treated  the  idea  with  contempt. 
The  theory  has  never  received  the  consideration  and  fair  criticism  which  a  paper  from 
so  eminent  an  authority  on  Celtic  languages  deserved. 

The  main  facts  as  to  the  Celtic  and  Itahc  dialects  are  not  in  dispute.  There  can  be 
no  question  that  in  both  of  those  areas  both  Q  and  P  groups  are  or  were  in  existence, 

«  Rhjrs  (1894)  1 19'  *  Zimmer  (1912);  Meyer  (1895-6)  55-86. 

7  Rhys  (1894)   122,   130. 

10 


146         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

and  that  the  Q  are  in  the  outer  and  the  P  in  the  inner  ring.  With  regard  to  Greek 
however,  the  case  is  different,  and  it  is  generally  considered  that  the  dialect  of 
Herodotus  and  Hippocrates  is  purely  local  and  not  necessarily  primitive,  and  it  has 
been  pointed  out  that  had  the  original  Ionic  dialect  been  a  Q  tongue,  signs  of  this  would 
have  been  apparent  in  Homer.  It  is  also  becoming  more  common  to  consider  Greek 
as  having  closer  affinities  with  Persian  than  with  Italic  or  Celtic,  though  one  wonders 
whether  this  connection  is  not  being  exaggerated  as  the  pendulum  swings  from  the 
over-estimated  resemblance  formerly  recognised  between  the  two  languages  of  the 
Classical  world. 

We  must,  however,  agree  that  the  Greek  part  of  Rhys'  hypothesis  will  not  stand, 
at  least  without  considerable  emendation,  nor  have  we  found  from  our  archaeological 
investigations  any  reasons  for  believing  that  the  Alpine  inhabitants  of  the  Swiss 
lake-dwellings  over-ran  as  conquerors  the  surrounding  regions.  The  evidence,  in  fact, 
points  in  an  opposite  direction.  The  deletion  of  these  two  points  is  not  fatal  to  the 
hypothesis,  and  we  may  still  consider  that  there  is,  on  philological  evidence,  a  pnma-facie 
reason  for  beUeving  that  from  somewhere  in  Central  Europe,  from  the  area  which  we  have 
termed  the  Celtic  cradle,  two  waves  of  invaders,  of  Wiro  speech  if  not  of  Wiro  race,  set 
out  in  various  directions,  that  the  Q  was  the  earUer  and  the  P  the  later,  and  that  both 
entered  Italy  and  the  Celtic  lands. 

We  may  further  admit  the  possibility  or  even  the  probability,  that  an  alien 
element,  not  necessarily  non-Wiro,  had  entered  the  Celtic  cradle  before  the  departure 
of  the  second  wave,  and  that  it  was  to  this  aUen  element  that  the  labiahsation  was 
due.  Lastly,  we  may  admit  that,  though  evidence  of  the  Q  wave  into  Greece  is 
non-proven,  there  is  no  doubt  of  the  arrival  of  the  P  people,  but  these  P  people 
spoke  a  tongue  showing  greater  affinities  with  Iranian  speech,  especially  in  their  names 
for  weapons  and  other  warlike  paraphernaUa,'  than  is  to  be  recognised  in  the  other 
P  tongues. 

Now  we  have  seen  from  the  study  of  archaeological  evidence  that  the  men  of  the 
leaf-shaped  sword  passed  at  one  time  into  Italy,  where  they  settled  near  Lake  Fucino, 
and  a  little  later  some  entered  the  Celtic  lands  of  the  west,  while  earlier  a  few  adventurers 
reached  Greek  lands.    Later  some  refugees  from  the  mountain  zone  reached  many  parts 

9  Schrader  (1890)  325-228. 


FS  AND  Q'S  147 

of  France  and  the  British  Isles.  All  these  seem  to  have  come  from  the  same  Celtic  cradle 
and  to  have  been  of  the  same  racial  type  or,  to  speak  more  accurately,  t57pes.  Later  still, 
we  have  seen  that  the  Koban  folk,  who  had  learned  the  use  of  iron  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  Caucasus,  returned  to  the  Danube  valley,  after  which  some  of  them  entered  Greece 
as  Dorians,  while  others  entered  Italy  with  the  VUla-nova  culture  and  a  third  group 
pursued  their  predecessors  over  all  parts  of  France  except  the  Seine  valley.  It  seems 
possible,  if  not  probable,  that  these  two  waves  of  invasions  may  have  been  those  which 
brought  Q  and  P  speech  respectively  into  these  different  parts  of  Europe.  If  this  equation 
be  accepted,  the  main  features  of  Sir  John  Rhys'  hypothesis  have  been  proved.  But 
it  will  not  be  wise  to  jump  too  hastily  to  a  conclusion,  for  the  fact  that  there  were  two 
waves  of  invaders  and  two  of  Wiro  dialects  may  be  only  a  coincidence.  We  must 
attempt  to  apply  a  confirmatory  test. 

In  Greece  we  have  seen  that  Casson  has  shown  good  cause  why  we  should  believe 
that  the  advance  of  the  men  with  the  iron  sword  should  be  equated  with  the  Dorian 
invasion.  The  Dorians  spoke  a  P  dialect  and  may  well  have  been  the  first  to  introduce 
such  a  tongue  into  Greece.  We  have  seen  how  Rhys'  view  that  Q  dialects  survive 
in  the  writings  of  Herodotus  and  Hippocrates  is  open  to  question,  but  we  have  also  noted 
that  Wace  had  equally  questioned  the  "  Achaean  "  invasion  proposed  by  Ridgeway.  I 
have  already  put  forward  an  amended  scheme  for  the  latter,  and  suggested  the  arrival 
of  only  a  few  Nordic  adventurers.  Had  these  been  Wiros  of  Q  speech,  they  could  not, 
owing  to  the  paucity  of  their  numbers,  have  imposed  their  tongue  upon  their  subjects. 
If,  therefore,  we  accept  the  equation  for  Greek  lands,  we  need  not  expect  to  find 
evidence  of  the  survival  of  Q  speech  in  Greece  in  the  fifth  century. 

But  I  have  suggested  that  these  "  Achaean  "  adventurers  were  stragglers  from 
the  band  of  Nordics  who  were  responsible  for  the  Phrygian  invasion  of  Asia  Minor.  If 
the  equation,  which  we  are  endeavouring  to  prove,  were  true,  we  should  expect  that 
the  Phrygian  language  was  of  the  Q  form.  Unfortunately  we  know  little  of  the 
Phrygian  tongue  even  in  the  palmy  days  of  Athens,  still  less  of  its  form  in  the  thirteenth 
century. 

All  philologists  are  agreed  that  with  the  language  of  Thrace  it  formed  the 
Thraco-Phrygian  group,  from  which,  according  to  some  philologists,  modern  Albanian 
is  derived.     Dacian  is  also  beheved  to  have  belonged  to  the  same  group.    Some  years 


148         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

ago  Dr.  Tomaschek  collected  together,  from  Greek  and  Latin  sources,  all  the  words 
which  might  be  considered  as  belonging  to  this  group,  but  most  of  these  are  place-names 
or  names  of  plants.  This  is  not  very  satisfactory  material  for  our  purpose,  for  place-names 
may  have  been  inherited  from  the  previous  inhabitants,  while  names  of  plants  may  be 
loan  words.  Further  than  this  most  of  the  words  have  been  preserved  by  Greek 
writers,  and  there  is  no  Q  in  the  Greek  language.  Still  I  have  thought  it  well  to  search 
through  the  lists  compiled  by  Tomaschek,  and  though  the  result  is,  perhaps,  not  very 
convincing,  the  presence  of  such  words  as  #tavapo«,  Ktveoi,  Quimedava  or  KovifitSafia, 
Coila  or  Cuila,  KtpKivT,,  and  several  others  certainly  hints  that  the  Thraco-Phrygian 
tongues  may  have  been  Q  dialects." 

The  arguments  from  the  east,  while  they  do  not  in  any  way  contradict  our 
equation,  and  may  even  be  said  to  give  it  some  support,  are  not  quite  decisive ;  at 
any  rate  something  more  conclusive  is  desirable.  It  is  useless  to  look  for  this  in  the  west, 
in  Celtic  lands,  for  our  documentary  evidence  scarcely  antedates  the  time  of  Julius 
Caesar,  or,  at  any  rate,  such  earUer  evidence  as  we  possess  is  both  meagre  and  uncertain. 
Finally  all  the  evidence  has  been  the  subject  of  dispute,  on  almost  every  item  differences 
of  opinion  have  been  expressed,  and  we  have  no  sure  or  unquestioned  data  on  which  to 
depend.  The  controversy  has  also,  unhappily,  become  associated  with  other  differences 
of  opinion. 

It  will  be  well,  then,  to  leave  for  a  time  the  consideration  of  the  Celtic  evidence, 
and  to  endeavour  to  test  our  equation  without  reference  to  the  hnguistic  data  of  the  west. 
There  remains,  then,  only  one  other  area  in  which  to  search  for  our  confirmatory  test, 
the  Italian  peninsula. 

Professor  Conway"  has  given  us  to  understand  that  the  Osco-Umbrian  dialects, 
which  were  P  languages,  were  spoken  throughout  Italy  from  Umbria  southwards,  and 
doubtless,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  statement  of  Herodotus  already  quoted,  as  far  north 
as  the  foot-hills  of  the  Alps,  before  the  Gauls  had  invaded  the  valley  of  the  Po.  The 
only  exceptions  to  this  spread  of  these  dialects  were  Etruria,  or  the  greater  portion  of  it, 
and  a  part  of  Latium,  in  which  Latin  dialects  of  the  Q  type  were  spoken.  These  Latin 
dialects,  Conway  tells  us,  were  spoken  by  the  Latini,  the  Marsi,  the  ^Equi,  the  Hemici, 

">  Tomaschek  (1894).  "  Conway  (1897). 


FS  AND  Q'S  149 

the  Falisci,  who  dwelt  within  the  borders  of  Etruria,  and  to  some  extent  by  the 
Sabini." 

The  linguistic  position  of  the  Sabines  seems  uncertain.  In  the  passage  quoted 
Conway  enumerates  them  among  the  tribes  who  spoke  Q  dialects,  but  later  on,  when 
mentioning  some  of  those  who  had  P  speech,  he  adds  in  a  footnote  that  perhaps  Sabine 
should  be  included  among  these.  The  position  of  the  Sabine  tongue  is  then  uncertain. 
If  this  were  so,  the  same  uncertainty  may  apply  to  the  Faliscans,  for  little  if  anything 
is  known  directly  of  their  dialect,  but  Conway  states  that  it  is  "  certain  that  they  were 
akin  to  the  Sabines  across  the  Tiber,  and  that  their  city  was  subdued  and  governed 
by  the  Etruscans."" 

This  leaves  us  with  four  tribes,  who  undoubtedly  spoke  Q  languages,  the  Latini, 
Marsi,  Mqai,  and  Hemici.  The  area  occupied  by  them  is  only  roughly  indicated  by 
Conway,  but  I  gather  that  he  agrees  with  the  boundaries  dehneated  by  Kiepert.'*  The 
map  given  in  Fig.  26  gives  these  bounds,  and  it  will  be  seen  that  in  many  respects  the 
region  they  occupy  agrees  with  the  area  in  which  all  the  Italian  leaf-shaped  swords 
have  been  found.    There  are,  however,  certain  marked  differences. 

Out  of  nine  swords  of  Type  D,  four  are  found  within  the  area  of  Q  speech,  and 
one  at  Sulmona,  only  just  outside  and  within  the  area  of  Sabine  speech.  One  is  a  stray, 
found  somewhere  in  Apuha,  and  three,  together  with  one  of  Type  C,  have  been  found  not 
far  from  Lake  Trasimene,  The  solitary  sword  of  Type  B,  found  at  AscoU,  seems  only 
to  indicate  that  the  line  of  approach  was  from  the  east. 

Thus  it  seems  that  there  is  a  fair  equation  between  the  swords  and  Q  speech,  but 
the  latter  must  have  been  driven  from  the  Trasimene  region,  and  pushed  westward  in 
the  Sabine  area.  Of  the  former  presence  and  subsequent  disappearances  of  the  Q 
speech  from  the  Trasimene  region  we  have  no  evidence,  but  we  have  seen  that  the 
Etruscans  arrived  later  than  the  leaf-shaped  sword  people  and  with  a  superior  culture. 
We  have  also  found  reason  for  suspecting  that  the  Villa-nova  folk,  who  arrived  still  later, 
had  made  themselves  a  miUtary  aristocracy  over  the  Etruscans,  and  the  conquest  or 
expulsion  may  have  been  due  to  them.  We  have  seen  that  the  Fahsci,  a  tribe  with 
Sabine    affinities,    were    absorbed    by    the    Etruscans.    There   is    nothing   inherently 

"  Conway  (1897)  i.  287.  '■»  Kiepert  (1882)  Tab.  viii. 

'J  Conway  (1897)  i.  370. 


150 


THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 


impossible  in  the  same  fate  having  overtaken  the  leaf-shaped  sword  people  who  had 
settled  in  the  region  around  Lake  Trasimene. 

But  with  regard  to  the  westward  move  of  the  Q  peoples,  and  to  the  suggestion 
that  they  were  driven  from  what  was  later  Sabine  territory,  we  are   not    dependent 


FIG.   26. — MAP   SHOWING   DISTRIBUTION   OF   SWORDS   AND   DIALECTS  IN   ITALY. 

wholly  upon  conjecture,  for  Dionysius  of  Halicamassus  tells  us  that  the  tribes  who 
occupied  the  region  around  Rome,  after  the  barbarian  Siculi,  were  the  Aborigines." 
Whether  this  term  conveyed  to  Dionysius  the  same  meaning  as  it  does  to  us,  or  whether 


15  Dion.  Halic.  ix.  xiv. 


FS  AND  Q'S  151 

it  was  a  corruption  of  a  tribal  name  as  some  have  thought,'* does  not  concern  us  here.  It 
is  sufficient  for  our  purpose  that  he  mentions  that  their  original  home  lay  to  the  east,  in 
the  valley  of  the  Velino  and  its  tributary  the  Salto,  which  drains  Lake  Fucino.  He 
mentions  by  name  many  of  their  cities,  and  describes  the  position  of  most  of  them.  The 
sites  of  the  majority  have  been  identified,  though  some  yet  remain  unknown.  Judging 
by  what  can  be  ascertained  of  their  position,  we  gather  that  the  Aborigines  occupied 
the  Salto  valley  from  Marruvium,  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Fucino,  as  far  as  Reatae,  where 
it  joins  the  Velino,  and  thence  to  the  junction  of  the  latter  with  the  Nera.  One  of 
their  cities,  Batia,  lay  considerably  to  the  north,  across  the  Apennines,  in  the  direction 
of  Ascoli,  where  the  Tj^e  B.  sword  was  found.  How  far  the  territory  of  the 
Aborigines  stretched  towards  Lake  Trasimene  is  uncertain,  as  the  sites  of  some  of  their 
towns  remain  unidentified,  but  several  of  them  lay  in  that  direction,  outside  the  later 
area  of  Q  speech,  but  in  Sabine  territory. 

Dionysius  tells  us  that  one  night  the  Sabines  issued  from  Amiternum  and  seized 
Liste,  the  capital  of  the  Aborigines,  who  retired  to  Reatae,  whence  they  endeavoured 
to  recapture  it."'  They  appear  to  have  been  successful  eventually  in  recovering  the 
land  around  Lake  Fucino,  but  would  seem  to  have  lost  the  territory  to  the  north-west 
around  Reatae.  About  the  same  time  many  of  them  migrated  south-westwards  to  the 
lands  around  Rome.'*  As  one  of  their  original  cities  had  been  called  Palatium  it 
seems  Ukely  that  it  was  they  who  gave  its  name  to  the  Palatine  Hill. 

The  general  agreement  between  the  area  in  which  we  find  the  leaf-shaped  swords, 
the  area  occupied  by  the  Aborigines  before  the  Sabine  expedition,  and  the  area  of  Q 
speech,  suggests  that  these  three  are  one  especially  as  there  is  a  progressive  abandonment 
of  the  north-western  portion  and  a  movement  towards  the  south-west  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Tiber.  My  suggestion  is  that  the  Aborigines  were  the  descendants  of  the  leaf- 
shaped  sword  people  and  the  ancestors  of  the  Q  speaking  Latin  peoples  of  later  days. 

Umbrian  speech,  though  it  extended  towards  the  south-east  and  surrounded  the 
Latin  tongues,  is  found  mainly  on  the  north-east  of  the  Apennines,  and  seems  to  have 
come  from  that  direction  ;  before  the  advent  of  the  Gauls  it  reached,  as  we  have  seen, 
to  the  foot  of  the  Alps.    This  is  the   region  in  which  we  find  the  chief  remains  of 

i«  Niebuhr  (1827)  i.  80.  •'  Dion.  Halic.  xvi. 

■7  Dion.  Halic.  xiv. 


152         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

the  Villa-nova  culture,  which  is  not  unlike  that  of  the  Dorians,  so  that  it  seems  reasonable 
to  equate  this  culture  with  the  Osco-Umbrian  or  P  dialects. 

The  Sabines,  as  we  have  seen,  are  said  to  have  come  from  Amitemum,  which  is  on 
the  north-eastern  slope  of  the  Apennines,  or  rather  in  a  valley  which  opens  out  on  that 
side.  We  should,  therefore,  expect  them  to  have  been  a  P  people.  But,  according  to 
Dionysius,  they  over-ran  a  region  peopled  by  the  Aborigines,  who  we  have  found  reason 
for  thinking  were  a  Q  people,  and,  though  doubtless  they  expelled  the  fighting  men,  a 
good  number  are  likely  to  have  remained  behind.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  there 
should  be  some  imcertainty  as  to  whether  the  original  Sabines  spoke  a  P  or  a  Q  dialect. 

All  the  ItaUan  evidence  is  consistent  with  the  view  that  the  men  of  the  leaf-shaped 
sword  were  Q  speaking,  while  the  men  with  the  iron  sword  spoke  P  tongues,  but  before 
we  come  finally  to  a  decision,  it  might  be  weU  to  make  a  further  test  elsewhere.  We 
have  seen  that  the  refugees  from  the  mountain  zone,  armed  with  Type  G  swords,  fled 
down  the  Rhone,  the  Loire,  and  the  Seine,  and  that,  while  the  men  with  the  iron  swords 
pursued  them  down  the  two  former  valleys,  they  left  the  Seine  valley  alone.  Sir  John 
Rhys  and  his  supporters  have  suggested  that  Q  speech  was  at  one  time  spoken  in  Gaul, 
and  have  cited  certain  place-names  in  support  of  their  case."  The  value  of  this  evidence 
has  been  disputed,  but  there  is  one  name,  in  two  forms,  which  so  obviously  belongs  to 
Q  speech,  that  its  value  cannot  well  be  denied,  and  this  is  Sequana,  the  ancient  name  for 
the  Seine,  and  Sequani,  the  tribe  who  lived  by  its  banks.  It  cannot  be  merely  a 
coincidence  that  the  best  attested  Q  names  have  been  noted  just  where  Type  G  swords 
are  found  not  followed  by  iron  swords,  and  this  case,  bearing  out  as  it  does  the  general 
tenour  of  the  Italian  evidence,  seems  to  me  to  be  conclusive. 

I  would  submit,  therefore,  that  the  archaeological  evidence,  which  I  have  given 
in  this  and  in  previous  chapters,  proves,  as  conclusively  as  the  circumstances  of  the  case 
are  likely  to  admit,  that  the  thesis  of  Sir  John  Rhys  that  two  waves  of  people  left 
Central  Europe  for  Italy  and  the  west,  the  first  speaking  a  Q  and  the  second  a  P  tongue, 
is  absolutely  correct,  though  modifications  need  to  be  made  in  the  application  of  this 
theory  to  Greek  lands.  His  view  that  the  P  Folk  were  the  people  of  the  Swiss 
lake-dwellings  we  have  seen  good  reason  to  reject. 

t  Rhys  (1894)  112. 


Chapter  XIV 
THE   WANDERINGS   OF   THE   WIROS 

I  HAVE  now  cited  almost  all  the  evidence  which  I  have  collected  to  solve  the 
question  of  the  Aryan  cradle  and  the  dispersal  of  the  Wiros  from  Central  Europe, 
especially  of  their  raids  into  the  Celtic  lands  of  the  west.  Except  for  a  few  details 
I  have  found  myself  in  agreement  with  other  writers,  sometimes  with  this,  at  others  with 
that  authority.  This  is  not  surprising,  for  so  many  shots  have  been  made,  often 
at  random,  and  without  sufficient  evidence,  that  it  would  be  strange  if  some  of  them 
had  not  hit  the  mark. 

Thus  with  Penka  I  have  argued  for  an  Aryan  race,  which  was  Nordic  in  tjTpe,  with 
Cuno  that  the  primitive  Wiro  language  developed  on  an  open  plain,  which,  with 
Latham  and  Schrader,  I  have  placed  on  the  Russian  steppe.  I  have  found  myself  in 
agreement  with  Sir  John  Rhys  on  the  main  features  of  his  thesis  that  the  Q  and  P 
Wiros  left  Central  Europe  in  two  successive  waves,  and  I  have  argued  that  the  Q  Wiros 
were  armed  with  bronze  leaf-shaped  swords.  This  last  suggestion  has  already  been 
hazarded  in  this  covmtry  by  Crawford,'  though  backed  up  with  inadequate  evidence, 
and  in  France  by  M.  Hubert,'  with  whose  evidence  I  am  unacquainted,  as  his  work 
dealing  with  the  subject  has  not  appeared  as  I  write. 

But  in  all  these  cases  I  have  endeavoured  to  support  my  argument,  not  merely 
with  philological  data,  as  has  been  the  case  with  most  of  my  predecessors,  but  with 
evidence  drawn  from  anthropology  and  archaeology.    The  evidence  from  the  ItaUan 

•  Crawford  (1922)  34,  35. 

»  A.  XX3C.  (1920)  575,  576  ;  where  there  is  an  abstract  of  a  paper  read  19th  May,  1920,  before  the  Institutfran9ais 
d' Anthropologic,  entitled  L'etablissement  des  Celtes  dans  les  Isles  Britanniques  et  de  ses  indices  archeo- 
logiques  k  propos  de  la  difiusion  des  6p6es  de  bronze  k  soie-plate  rivet6e. 
M.  Hubert  informs  me  that  his  work  on  the  Celts  wUl  be  published  shortly. 

153  IDA 


154         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

swords,  backed  up  as  it  is  by  the  absence  of  Hallstatt  iron  swords  from  the  Seine 
valley,  seems  so  decisive  that  I  feel  that  the  equation  of  the  Q  peoples  with  the  spread 
of  the  bronze  swords  is  beyond  dispute. 

But  if  this  general  reconstruction  of  the  early  history  of  the  Wiro  movements  is  to 
be  considered  correct,  in  outline  at  least,  it  must  be  shown  that  it  will  fit  in  with  all  the 
linguistic  evidence  available  ;  at  any  rate  that  it  is  not  incompatible  with  it.  For  that 
reason  I  propose  in  this  chapter  to  summarise  briefly,  as  I  conceive  them,  the  wanderings 
of  the  Wiros  over  Europe  and  Asia,  from  their  first  departure  from  south-east  Europe. 

We  have  found  reason  for  beUeving  that  before  3000  B.C.,  and  probably  for  long 
before  that  date,  the  Wiros  had  been  occupying  the  Russian  steppes  east  of  the  Dnieper, 
and  had  perhaps  wandered  across  the  Volga  into  Turkestan.  They  were  a  nomad  people, 
living,  perhaps,  partly  by  himting,  but  mainly  by  herding  cattle  on  the  grassy  steppes, 
and  the  parklands  which  fringed  them  on  the  north.  They  had  tamed  the  horse, 
and  held  this  animal  in  great  veneration.  Its  name  constantly  occurs  as  part  of 
their  own  names,^  they  rode  it  Uke  cow-boys  "punching"  their  cattle,  and  if  we  may 
judge  from  the  habits  of  their  descendants,  it  was  what  may  be  described  as  a  cult 
animal. 

We  have  seen  that  they  seem  to  have  been  of  the  Nordic  type,  but  this  statement 
needs  qualification.  We  are  accustomed  to  speak  of  Nordics,  Alpines  and  Mediterraneans, 
and  to  describe  their  physical  characters  in  considerable  detail.  We  are  well  aware  that 
the  population  of  every  country  in  Europe  is  mixed,  and  contains  many  examples  of 
at  least  two  of  these  types  and  a  larger  number  of  individuals  who  resemble  one  type 
in  this  feature  and  another  in  that ;  there  are  also  many  who  display  intermediate 
characters.  But  from  this  mass  of  heterogeneous  material  we  beUeve  that  we  have 
isolated  these  types,  which  we  consider  pure,  and  we  treat  the  bulk  of  the  population 
as  a  mixture  of  these,  varying  in  its  components  and  their  proportions  in  each  region. 
This  postulates  that  there  was  a  time,  the  race-making  period  of  some  writers,*  when 
each  of  these  races  was  living,  pure  and  unmixed,  in  some  area  of  isolation. 

That  this  position  has  led  to  clear  thinking  and  has  advanced  the  science  of 
physical  anthropology  is  undoubted,  but  we  have  to  consider  whether  it  represents 

J  King  (1915)  215  fn.  *  McDougall  (1920)  ch.  xv. 


THE  WANDERINGS  OF  THE  WIROS  155 

a  condition  which  has  actually  occurred.  That  such  a  pure  and  homogeneous  type 
would  evolve  if  a  community  were  isolated  from  all  others  for  a  sufficient  length  of  time 
is  probable,  but  we  have  no  clear  evidence  that  such  a  state  of  isolation  has  been 
preserved  for  a  sufficient  period  in  any  part  of  Europe,  or  for  that  matter  in  the  world. 
The  Andamanese  have  for  long  kept  themselves  in  fairly  complete  isolation  in  a  small 
group  of  islands,  yet  their  type  seems  to  show  evidence  of  admixture.  The  same  is 
more  true  of  the  Austrahan  aborigines,  although  the  island  continent  has  almost 
succeeded  in  keeping  out  other  placental  animals.  It  is  true  that  as  we  go  back  into  the 
past,  especially  into  early  neoUthic  times,  the  skulls  in  any  given  region  appear  more 
homogeneous  than  is  the  case  at  later  periods.  After  the  forests  had  appeared  in 
Magdalenian  times,  and  until  the  metal  trade  arose,  communities  seem  to  have  been  more 
isolated  than  either  before  or  after.  This  was,  apparently,  the  race-making  period 
postulated  by  McDougall.  But  the  communities  who  settled  at  that  time  in  these 
regions  of  isolation  were  to  some  extent  of  mixed  ancestry,  and  their  isolation  was  not 
of  sufficient  length  to  insure  absolute  homogeneity,  though  we  find  a  closer 
approximation  to  it  then  than  has  occurred  since. 

We  have  seen  at  the  close  of  Chapter  II.  that  what  we  have  been  accustomed 
to  consider  the  Mediterranean  race  is  in  reaUty  a  mixture  of  several  late  palaeolithic 
types,  all  somewhat  resembling  one  another  in  their  most  conspicuous  features,  and 
the  same  seems  to  have  been  true  of  the  Nordic  Wiros,  during  their  race-making  period 
on  the  Russian  steppe.  Unfortunately  we  have  no  very  long  series  of  skulls  to  study, 
and  in  the  case  of  some  we  are  uncertain  whether  they  belong  to  this  or  to  a  slightly  later 
date.  But  Sergi  has  described  a  series  of  ninety-one,'  which  will  give  us  some  idea  of  their 
range  of  variation.  Thirty-six  of  these  skulls  have  indices  varying  from  seventy-three 
to  seventy-six,  thirty-one  more  between  seventy-one  and  seventy-eight,  while  the 
remaining  twenty-four  range  outside  these  from  sixty-five  to  eighty-one.  Many  of 
these  skulls  are  very  high,  and  so  conform  to  the  type  of  Briinn-Brux-Combe  Capelle, 
and  this  has  led  Fleure  to  suspect  that  this  late  palaeolithic  t5^e,  the  essentially  intrusive 
element  into  the  west  of  Solutrean  times,  is  present  in  considerable  numbers  among 
these  steppe-folk.*    According  to  Sergi  fifty-one  out  of  the  ninety-one  show  this  feature 

!  Sergi  (1908)  309-16).  «  Fleure  (1922)  12,  13. 


156  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

and  these  are  distributed  pretty  generally  among  all  indices  from  sixty-five  to 
seventy-nine. 

Again,  Bogdanov  has  given  us  reason  for  believing  that  two  races  were  inhabiting 
the  government  of  Moscow  during  the  kurgan  period.  "  One  of  these  races  was 
robust,  with  a  large  and  long  head,  an  elongated  face,  and,  according  to  some  examples, 
with  hair  more  or  less  fair.  The  other,  smaller  and  more  poverty  stricken,  belongs  to  a 
brachycephalic  people,  having  a  shorter  face,  a  wider  and  shorter  head,  and  chestnut 
hair."'  He  shows,  too,  that  in  the  centre  of  the  area  the  long-headed  t}^  was  purest, 
and  cites  twenty-three  skulls  from  the  kurgans  of  Souja,  in  the  government  of  Kursk, 
of  which  nineteen  were  true  dolichocephals,  while  three  women  and  one  child  were 
subdoUchocephaUc . 

We  may,  I  think,  consider  the  two  skulls  described  by  Sergi  with  an  index  of 
eighty,  and  the  one  with  an  index  of  eighty-one,  as  belonging  to  a  foreign  element  hving 
on  the  border  of  the  steppes,  perhaps  as  belonging  to  the  Tripolje  folk.  If  so  we  may 
consider  our  primitive  Nbrdics  as  having  fairly  long  and  narrow  heads,  though  in  this 
respect  not  so  uniformly  narrow  as  was  the  case  with  the  Mediterraneans  of  the  west. 
The  cephalic  index  seems  to  have  ranged  from  sixty-five  to  seventy-nine,  though 
more  usually  from  seventy-one  to  seventy-eight,  while  the  more  typical  members  of 
the  group  varied  from  seventy-three  to  seventy-six.  These  figures  will  be  found  to 
agree  fairly  well  with  observations  made  on  the  tall  fair  people  of  the  present  population 
of  North  Europe. 

We  can  then  imagine  our  Wiros  as  a  somewhat  variable  race,  with  heads  which 
conform  to  the  narrow  rather  than  to  the  broad  type,  tall  and  robust,  though  probably 
neither  so  tall  nor  so  robust  as  many  of  the  modem  Nordics.  There  is  reason  for 
believing  them  to  have  been  fair,  with  transparent  skins,  light  hair  and  grey  eyes, 
though  it  is  hkely  enough  that  in  colouration,  too,  there  was  considerable  variation. 
We  may  weU  believe  that  the  extremely  fair  colouring  of  the  modem  Swedes  is  a  later 
speciaUsation,  due  to  a  few  thousand  years  of  life  in  a  northern  home,  but  we  shall  do 
well,  I  would  suggest,  to  think  of  the  original  Wiros  as  blonds  rather  than  bnmets, 
though  not  necessarily  or  in  all  cases  possessing  an  extreme  degree  of  blondness. 

7  Bogdanov  (1892)  i. 


THE  WANDERINGS  OF  THE  WIROS  157 

Such  then  I  would  have  you  picture  the  Wiros  on  the  steppe,  and  I  would  also 
remind  you  that  many  of  them  seem  to  have  been  descendants  of  the  late  Aurignacian 
and  Solutrean  horse-hunters,  and  that  they  may  have  developed  the  rudiments  of 
their  language  in  some  post-Solutrean  time  within  the  Carpathian  ring. 

We  have  seen  reason  for  beheving  that  a  period  of  drought,  occurring  some 
centuries  before  3000  B.C.,  drove  some  of  them  towards  the  Baltic.  It  is  possible,  though 
I  think  improbable,  that  these  may  have  been  the  ancestors  of  the  group  who  use 
Teutonic  speech.  I  am  more  inchned,  however,  to  see  in  them  the  original  speakers  of 
Lithuanian  and  the  Baltic  tongues.  Whether  there  was  also  at  this  time  a  move  to  the 
east  is  uncertain.  Kurgans  are  said  to  stretch  to  the  north-east  well  into  Siberia,  but 
we  have  insufficient  data  at  present  to  determine  their  age  or  indeed  whether  they  belong 
to  Wiro  culture.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  the  north-westerly  movement  was 
paralleled  by  one  to  the  north-east,  into  the  Obi  basin,  and  the  Wiros  may  have 
wandered  as  far  north  as  Tobolsk,  or  even  to  the  Arctic  Circle. 

But  the  great  dispersal  was  about  2200  B.C.  On  this  occasion  the  drought 
seems  to  have  been  more  excessive  or  more  prolonged,  for  it  is  beheved  that  the  steppe 
was  left  for  awhile  uninhabited.  That  the  movements  passed  east  and  west  is  certain, 
for  we  find  evidence  of  the  abandonment  of  settled  villages  both  in  the  Tripolje  area  and 
at  Anau.  With  the  westerly  movement  we  have  dealt  at  some  length  ;  that  to  the  east 
must  now  demand  our  attention. 

We  have  seen  that  shortly  after  2200  B.C.  nomad  horsemen  arrived  on  the  Iranian 
plateau  and  that  their  appearance  attracted  the  attention  of  Hammurabi  and  his 
counsellors.  That  these  nomads,  who  were  known  as  Kassites,  were  Wiros  is  certain, 
for  philologists  seem  agreed  that  their  language  was  of  this  type.*  They  were  the  first  to 
introduce  the  horse  into  this  area,  and  that  this  animal  was  held  in  reverence  among 
them  seems  clear  from  the  adoption  of  this  beast  as  a  divine  symbol.'  It  seems 
unhkely  that  the  Kassites  were  the  sole  representatives  of  this  eastward  move.  It  may 
be  that  it  is  to  this  date  that  we  are  to  attribute  the  kurgans  found  in  the  Obi  basin,  or 
perhaps  they  found  adequate  pasture  for  their  herds  on  the  lower  slopes  of  the  Hindu 
Kush  and  the  region  around  Balkh.     We  are  as  yet  uncertain  whether  the  group  of 

•  Giles  (1922)  76,   King  (1915)  214.  9  King(i9i5)  215  fn. 


158  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

Wiros,  who  may  more  properly  claim  the  name  of  Aryas,  and  who  spoke  Indo-Iranian 
dialects,  left  the  steppe  at  this  time  or  on  the  earlier  occasion  but  deductions  drawn 
from  Unguistic  evidence,  from  Vedic  and  Avestan  sources,  and  from  later  Persian  legend 
would  lead  us  to  expect  that  about  2000  B.C.  the  undivided  Aryas  were  occupying  the 
eastern  parts  of  Russian  Turkestan.  A  httle  later,  perhaps,  a  group  of  these,  speaking 
a  language  which  had  Iranian  affinities,  made  themselves  lords  of  eastern  Armenia. 

These  are  generally  known  as  the  Mitanni  or  Mitani  barons ;  Professor  Sayce  has 
suggested  to  me  that  the  name  Mitan  is  the  same  as  Midas,  which  would  hint  at  a 
Phrygian  origin,  but  the  Iranian  affinities  of  their  language  and  the  early  date  at  which 
they  appear  in  the  Armenian  mountains  suggest  that  they  arrived  before  the  Phrygian 
invasion  of  Asia  Minor,  while  the  fact  that  they  were  located  on  the  eastern  rather  than 
the  western  side  of  the  Armenian  massif  leads  one  to  believe  that  their  line  of  approach 
was  from  Turkestan  or  the  Iranian  plateau  on  the  east,  rather  than  from  Thracian 
territory  on  the  west. 

With  the  westward  move  of  the  Wiros  I  have  already  dealt  in  a  former  chapter. 
Having  destroyed  the  Tripolje  culture  some  passed  along  the  sandy  heaths  of  GaJicia, 
entering  Bohemia  and  Hungary  through  the  Moravian  gap,  and  displacing  the  Beaker-folk 
who  passed  northwards  to  Jutland,  Holland  and  the  British  Isles.  Others  passed  round 
the  south-west  shores  of  the  Euxine  to  the  GaUipoli  peninsula  where  they  divided,  one 
party  skirting  the  north  ^gean  coast  to  the  grassy  plain  of  Thessaly,  where  they 
introduced  Dhimini  ware,  and  where  their  sudden  appearance  on  horseback  gave  rise 
to  the  legends  of  the  Centaurs.  The  other  party  crossed  the  Hellespont,  sacked 
Hissarlik  II.  and  passed  on  to  the  grass  lands  in  the  centre  of  Anatoha  Here  they 
organised  the  eastern  Alpine  tribes  into  a  great  empire,  and  though,  apparently,  they 
adopted  the  language  of  their  subjects,  they  introduced  some  of  their  own  words  and 
idioms,  including  the  numerals,  into  that  tongue,  and  most  important  of  all  established 
in  the  Hittite  empire  the  worship  of  the  Wiro  deities. 

Such  seems  to  have  been  the  distribution  of  the  Wiros  about  2000  B.C.,  or  a  little 
later,  and  for  the  next  500  years  we  find  Uttle  evidence  of  movement,  except  that  the 
Kassites,  about  1760  B.C.  established  themselves  as  rulers  in  Mesopotamia.  The  great 
spht  between  the  Indian  and  Iranian  Aryas  must  have  taken  place  about  this  time, 
causing  the  former  to  cross  Afghanistan  and  enter  the  Punjab,  while  the  latter  continued 


THE  WANDERINGS  OF  THE  WIROS  159 

to  roam  the  steppes  of  Turkestan,  and  eventually  to  cross  the  Volga  into  South  Russia, 
where  they  occupied  the  plain  as  far  west  as  the  foot  of  the  Carpathians.'" 

We  may  now  for  a  time  leave  the  Asiatic  sections  and  concentrate  our  attention 
upon  those  Wiros  who  entered  what  we  have  termed  the  Celtic  cradle.  Some  passed 
into  the  mountain  zone,  where  others  had  arrived  before  them,  and  made  themselves 
lords  of  the  settled  agricultural  Alpine  lake-villages ;  these  were  the  proto-Celts. 
Others  seem  to  have  remained  in  the  plain  of  Hungary,  continuing  perhaps  their 
former  nomadic  life.  These,  who  had  spread  into  the  basin  of  the  Morava,  became  the 
Thraco-Phrygian  group.  Between  these  two,  in  the  lower  valleys  of  the  Drave  and 
the  Save,  in  Croatia  and  perhaps  in  Bosnia,  were  a  third  group,  who  may  be  termed 
proto-Italic.  It  must  not  be  taken  for  granted  that  from  the  time  of  their  arrival  these 
three  groups  were  quite  sharply  separated.  We  have  seen,  however,  that  the  division 
of  the  people  of  the  plain  and  the  mountain  zones  arose  quite  early,  largely  from  the 
difference  between  their  modes  of  Hfe.  It  is  probable  that  many  dialects  arose,  and 
that  by  degrees  some  of  the  mountain  Wiros  extended  to  the  south-east,  even  as  far  as 
Herzegovina,  and  these  gradually  became  separated  from  the  main  body  of  their 
fellows.  The  main  group  developed  Celtic  dialects,  and  south-eastern  group  ItaUc,  though 
both,  it  must  be  remembered,  spoke  Q  tongues. 

Soon  after  1500  B.C.,  when  the  first  leaf-shaped  sword,  Type  A,  had  been 
evolved,  some  Wiros  seem  to  have  passed  over  the  movmtains  into  the  Friuli.  It  may 
have  been  merely  a  raid  or  a  trading  venture,  but  the  Treviso  specimen  suggests  that 
these  swords  had  remained  in  use  and  had  developed  into  a  local  type,  so  that  it  is 
possible  that  we  may  see  in  this,  evidence  of  a  small  migration  of  Wiros  through  the 
FriuU  to  settle  in  the  Veneto.  The  evidence  is  admittedly  sHght,  but  it  seems  to  point 
to  the  introduction  at  this  time  into  the  regions  Ijdng  at  the  head  of  the  Adriatic  of  the 
Venetian  dialects,  which  appear  to  be  more  archaic  in  form  than  the  other  Italic  tongues. 

During  the  Type  B  period,  between  1450  and  1400  B.C.,  we  have  evidence  of  a 
northward  movement  to  Schleswig-Holstein  and  Jutland,  and  the  fact  that  these 
Type  B  swords  continue  in  the  north  an  independent  development  suggests  that  the 
party  who  carried  them  thither  were  not  engaged  in  a  temporary  raid.     I  am  inclined 

•o  Minns  (1913)  36-39,  102,  115. 


i6o         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

to  see  in  this  movement  the  arrival  in  the  north  of  that  band  of  Wiros,  who  introduced 
into  the  Baltic  region  Teutonic  speech  and  the  legends  and  the  cult  of  Odin."  As  we 
have  seen  Wiros  had  arrived  there  more  than  a  thousand  years  before,  but  these  earUer 
invaders,  I  have  suggested,  had  spoken  languages  more  akin  to  the  Baltic  group,  and  were, 
if  my  interpretation  of  the  facts  is  correct,  the  red-haired  worshippers  of  Thor."  Thus 
we  get  the  three  groups  of  people,  forming  the  three  classes  of  serfs,  farmers,  and  nobles, 
which  are  mentioned  in  Scandinavian  legend,"  by  the  super-position  of  the  sword-bearing 
Teutonic  Wiros  upon  the  early  group  of  Baltic-speaking  Wiros,  who  had  in  their  turn 
mastered  and  enslaved  the  Mongoloid  people  responsible  for  the  Arctic  culture.'* 

It  was  soon  after  1300  B.C.  that  a  small  group  from  the  Italic  zone,  coming 
probably  from  Bosnia,  passed  south  and  then  crossed  the  Adriatic,  landing  a  little 
south  of  Ancona  at  the  mouth  of  the  Truentus.  Passing  up  the  valley  of  that  river 
some  settled  at  Batia  near  its  head  waters,  while  others  crossed  the  Apennines  to  the 
valley  of  the  Velinus  and  thence  to  Reatae,  which  stood  at  its  junction  with  the  Himella. 
Thence  some  passed  south  eastward  to  Lacus  Fucinus  and  others  north-westward  to 
Lacus  Trasimenus.  These,  as  I  have  endeavoured  to  prove,  were  the  Wiros  who 
introduced  into  the  peninsula  the  Latin  tongue  and  formed  the  essential  Roman 
patrician  gentes. 

About  the  same  time  there  were  irruptions  from  the  plain  ;  the  movements  were 
probably  gradual  and  may  have  begun  somewhat  earlier,  but  direct  evidence  of  this 
phase  is  at  present  lacking.  These  people  of  the  plain  advanced  into  Thrace, 
introducing  there  the  Thracian  tongue  and  the  worship  of  Ares ;  they  dominated  the 
aborigines,  including  the  thrifty  lake-dwelling  Paeonians,  and  made  themselves  masters 
of  much  of  what  was  afterwards  known  as  Macedonia.  Some  of  these  tribes,  notably 
the  Briges,  crossed  the  Hellespont  and  introduced  Phrygian  speech  into  Asia  Minor, 
in  the  east  of  which  it  still  survives  as  Armenian. 

It  was  some  straggHng  adventurers  from  this  movement  who  about  1250  B.C. 
entered  Thessaly,  where,  as  we  have  seen,  some  Wiros  had  long  been  settled.  Some  may 
have  come  from  Thracian  lands,  some  down  the  Vardar  valley,  and  some  stragglers 
from  the  Latin  group,  perhaps,  down  the  Spercheus  valley,  having  tarried  awhile  around 

"  Chadwick  (1899).  -3  Vigfussen  &  Powell  (1883)  i.  234-242 

»  Nilsson  (1868)  234-43.  ^  Peake  (1919)  186-192. 


THE  WANDERINGS  OF  THE  WIROS  i6i 

Dodona.  These  were  the  "  Achaean "  heroes,  who  seem  to  have  made  themselves 
masters  of  the  Mycenean  city  states,  groaning  under  the  rule  of  Minoan  tyrants.  A 
generation  later  these  joined  others  in  attacking  Egypt,  and  it  was  their  grandsons  who, 
under  the  leadership  of  the  king  of  men,  sacked  the  city  of  Priam. 

The  next  movement  came  from  the  Celtic  mountain  zone.  It  was  between  1200 
and  1175  B.C.  that  the  Celtic  lords,  accompanied  by  the  bravest  of  their  henchmen, 
left  the  Celtic  cradle,  crossed  the  Rhine,  and  passed  through  the  Belfort  gap  into  Gaul. 
By  degrees  they  conquered  the  whole  of  the  country,  though  they  made  their  mark 
less  in  Aquitaine  and  Brittany.  Others,  passing  in  all  probabiUty  down  the  Rhine, 
landed  on  the  east  coast  of  Great  Britain,  and  settled  in  the  eastern  counties  and  in  Wessex. 
It  is  too  soon,  as  yet,  to  define  the  area  which  they  occupied,  but  the  available  evidence, 
derived  from  the  swords  and  the  finger-tip  ware,  suggests  the  region  south-east  of  the 
chalk  scarp.  Later  on  a  few  of  these  passed  across  the  densely-wooded  Midland  plain, 
across  Wales  by  the  upper  Severn  valley  and  the  Bala  cleft,  and  reached  the  gold  fields 
of  Ireland.  It  was  some  Uttle  time,  however,  before  they  settled  in  any  numbers  in  the 
land  which  still  preserves  their  language. 

This  seems  to  be  all  that  we  can  as  yet  restore  of  the  movements  of  the  Q  Wiros, 
though  there  is  a  sequel  to  be  added  later  ;  we  must  turn  now  to  the  problem  of  the 
P  speaking  people.  We  have  seen  that  about  the  time  that  the  Celts  were  leaving  the 
mountain  zone  for  the  west,  bands  of  Wiros  from  the  plain,  passing  through  the  Moravian 
gate,  across  Galicia  and  Podolia,  reached  the  rich  valley  of  the  Koban  to  the  north  of  the 
Caucasus  mountains.  Here  they  learned  the  use  of  iron  from  their  humble  neighbours 
on  the  other  side  of  the  mountains,  who  were  perhaps  the  Chalybes,  and  made  for 
themselves  steel  blades  for  their  swords.  It  was  during  their  sojourn  here  that  they  must 
have  mixed  with  other  Wiros  who  were  still  roaming  the  steppes  of  this  region,  and 
who  were  almost  certainly  of  Iranian  speech,  which  was  spoken  in  this  area  in  the  time  of 
Herodotus,  and  still  survives  among  the  Ossetes''  in  the  Caucasus  mountains.  They 
may,  too,  have  come  into  contact  and  intermarried  with  other  folk,  who  were  perhaps 
not  Wiros.  For  some  reason,  which  I  do  not  pretend  to  explain,  their  speech,  which  on 
their  arrival  must  have  been  alUed  to  Thracian,  changed  its  phonological  laws,  and 
they  acquired  the  habit  of  labialising  the  Qu  of  their  original  tongue. 

•5  Miiller  (1864)  524-539- 

u 


i62         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

Rostovtzeff  has  suggested  that  these  Koban  Wiros  were  the  Cimmerians,'*  and 
since,  as  we  have  seen,  these  P  speaking  people  appear  a  few  years  later  in  Gaul,  and 
again  are  found  approaching,  if  they  do  not  actually  reach,  the  peninsula  of  Jutland, 
it  seems  reasonable  to  beheve  that  the  statement  of  Posidonius,''  which  has  received 
Ridgeway's  approval,''  is  correct,  and  that  the  Cimmerians  of  Russia  and  of  the  west," 
as  well  as  the  people  who  gave  their  name  to  the  Cimbric  Chersonese  are  all  one  P 
speaking  people,  and  that  we  must  include  in  their  number  the  Brythonic  Cymry  of  Britadn, 
in  spite  of  what  Rhys  has  written  to  the  contrary.*"  Whether  the  name  was  originally 
com-brox,  compatriots,  or  not,  I  must  leave  to  philologists  to  determine,  but  if  Rhys' 
etymology  is  correct,  these  compatriots  were  those  who  set  out  from  the  Koban  to 
conquer  the  greater  part  of  Europe.  If  this  be  so  the  statement  quoted  by  Phny  from 
Lycophron  that  the  Cimmerii  were  a  people  Uving  around  Lake  Avemus"  may  not  be  a 
poetic  fable,  as  has  been  supposed,  but  may  show  us  that  some  of  the  Villa-nova 
invaders  of  Italy  retained  for  a  time  the  common  name  which  survives  in  Wales  to-day. 
Thus  I  am  assuming  that  the  words  /«/t/«piot,  KtV/,lepo^  Cimbri  Cymry  are  all  one,  and 
suggest  the  use  of  the  term  Kimri"  for  the  whole  group. 

Herodotus  tells  us  that  the  Russian  Cimmerians  built  castles  or  forts,*'  a  custom 
which  is  found  among  the  early  iron  age  or  Hallstatt  inhabitants  of  the  mountain 
zone,**  and  reached  this  country  somewhat  later  in  the  form  of  Hill- top  camps.  Their 
distribution  has  not  yet  been  well  worked  out,  but  their  date  is  Hallstatt  or  sometimes 
later,  and  the  available  evidence  from  their  distribution  in  time  and  space  suggests 
that  they  were  the  work  of  different  branches  of  the  Kimri. 

A  large  number  of  the  Kimri,  perhaps  the  greater  part,  remained  in  the  Koban 
region  until  the  seventh  century,  when  they  were  displaced  by  incoming  Scythian  hordes, 

'*  Rostovtzeff  (1920)  III. 

'7  Diodorus  Siculus  v.  32  ;  Niebuhr  (1838)  ii.  523. 

''  Ridgeway  {1901)  369,  370. 

'9  Horn.  Od.  ii.  14. 

"  Rhys  (1884)  279. 

"  Plmy,  Hist.  Nat.  Ul.ix. 

"  Holmes  (1907)  438,  says  the  term  was  used  by  Broca  (1871)  i.  395. 

»3  Herodotus  iv.  12. 

»4  Ddchelette  (1908-14)  ii.  593. 


THE  WANDERINGS  OF  THE  WIROS  163 

who  appear  to  have  been  of  mixed  Iranian  and  Mongol  origin  ;  then  they  overran  Asia 
Minor  as  far  as  Sardis.*'  But  many  of  these  Kimri  left  the  steppe  almost  immediately 
after  they  had  developed  their  iron  swords  and  settled  in  Thrace  ;  later  they  moved  up 
the  Danube  valley  as  far,  at  least,  as  its  junction  with  the  Save.  It  was  not  long 
before  the  bulk  of  them  moved  southwards,  probably  down  the  Vardar  valley,  and  about 
1000  B.C.  began  the  Dorian  invasion  of  Greece.  These  introduced  into  that  country 
iron  swords  and  a  P  tongue,  which,  owing  to  their  having  mingled  with  Iranian 
neighbours  in  the  steppe,  retained  marked  affinities  with  that  group  of  languages, 
especially  in  connection  with  weapons  and  other  warlike  materials. 

The  remainder  divided,  the  larger  group  pushing  up  the  Danube  valley  towards 
Ulm  and  Sigmaringen  where  they  adopted  the  Celtic  speech  of  their  subjects,  but 
labialising  the  Qs.  The  smaller  group  made  themselves  masters  of  North  Serbia,  Bosnia, 
and  Croatia,  and  like  their  fellows  adopted  the  language  of  the  country,  which  was  allied 
to  Latin,  but  with  the  usual  changes. 

It  was  the  latter  group  which  was  the  first  to  move,  either  across  the  Adriatic  or 
to  the  north-west  and  then  over  the  Predil  pass  into  the  Friuh.  Though  they 
introduced  their  culture  among  the  Veneti  they  did  not  supplant  their  language,  but 
they  pushed  on  across  the  Po  valley,  destroying  the  Terramara  settlements  and 
dispersing  their  inhabitants  to  Etruria,  Latium  and  the  region  around  Tarentum.  They 
settled  in  the  plain  to  the  north  of  the  Apennines,  with  their  headquarters  at  Felsina 
or  Bononia,  and  gradually  conquered  all  the  peninsula  except  Etruria,  the  Greek  colonies 
and  the  lands  occupied  by  the  Latin  tribes.  It  is  doubtful  whether  these  Kimri  who 
invaded  Italy  were  ever  known  to  themselves  by  one  name,  but  to  others  they  were 
summed  up  as  Ombri  or  Umbri.  Later,  as  we  have  seen,  one  of  their  tribes,  the  Sabines, 
issuing  by  night  from  Amiternum,  displaced  some  of  the  Latin  tribes  from  the 
region  around  Reatae,  whence  the  dispossessed  Latins  departed  towards  the  mouth 
of  the  Tiber.  Here  some  of  them  coalesced  with  Terramara  refugees,  who  had 
erected  a  dry  terramara  on  a  hill-top  beside  the  river,  and  to  this  hiU  they  gave  the 
name  of  one  of  their  abandoned  cities,  Palatium,  so  that  it  became  mons  palatinus. 
Later,  when  it  had  been  freshly  laid  out  and  surrounded  by  a  wall,  it  was  called 
Rome. 

»5  Herodotus  i.  6,  15,  16. 


i64  THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

The  Sabines,  who  had  overrun  much  of  the  Latin  territory,  even  as  far  as  the 
hill  overlooking  the  Palatine,  seem  to  have  adopted  the  Latin  language,  while  retaining 
a  few  features  of  their  original  Umbrian  dialect.  Soon  afterwards  some  Kimri  from 
Felsina  seem  to  have  made  themselves  war  lords  over  Etruria,  and  to  have  for  a  time 
extended  the  Etruscan  empire  from  the  Alps  to  Pompeii,  but  being  a  small  mihtary 
aristocracy  in  a  land  with  an  ancient  and  advanced  culture,  they  failed  to  impose  their 
Wiro  language  upon  the  inhabitants. 

But  the  larger  group  of  Kimri  had  settled  by  the  upper  waters  of  the  Danube  and 
had  adopted  with  modifications  the  Celtic  speech.  About  900  B.C.  disagreements  arose 
between  them  and  the  Q  speaking  Gaelic  lords  of  the  villages  in  the  mountain  zone,  and 
no  time  was  lost  in  attacking  these  communities  in  Switzerland  and  Savoy,  in  burning 
the  pile-dweUings  and  expelhng  the  inhabitants. 

We  must  now  take  up  again  the  tale  of  the  bronze-using  Q-speaking  Celts,  the  story 
of  fresh  Gaelic  movements,  but  this  time  a  story  of  flight  rather  than  of  invasion.  This 
was  not  a  question  only  of  Gaehc  lords,  for  the  Alpine  peasants,  who  doubtless  spoke 
a  Celtic  dialect  and  called  themselves  Celts,  were  also  involved  in  this  ruin.  They  fled 
by  divers  routes  to  the  north  and  the  west.  By  the  swords  of  Type  G  we  can  trace  their 
wanderings  over  Gaul,  down  the  Rhone,  the  Loire  and  the  Seine.  Others  seem  to  have 
fled  northwards  to  Schleswig,  Jutland,  Sweden  and  even  Finland,  to  escape  their 
pursuers,  while  a  large  party  landed  in  England,  mainly  between  the  Thames  and  the 
Wash,  and  found  refuge  with  their  relations  who  had  settled  on  the  open  downs  some 
centuries  before. 

The  former  arrivals  had  been  Nordic  lords,  with  perhaps  a  few  half-breed 
retainers ;  the  refugees  were  largely  Alpine  peasants,  unaccustomed  to  pastoral 
pursuits  on  the  high  downs,  and  more  anxious  for  water-meadows  and  arable  patches 
by  the  margins  of  lakes  and  rivers.  Settlements  were  made  by  the  banks  of  the  Thames 
between  London  and  Richmond,  and  doubtless  higher  up  the  river.  Lowlands  were 
cleared  in  Wessex  in  the  Vale  of  Pewsey,  such  as  the  village  at  All  Cannings,  and  other 
settlements  were  made  by  lakes  and  marshes  in  South  Wales. 

In  most  parts  of  Gaul  the  Kimri  followed  the  refugees,  and  drove  them  from 
the  valleys  of  the  Rhone  and  the  Loire  into  the  hills.  In  the  Seine  valley,  however,  the 
Sequani  were  left  imdisturbed  and  gave  their  name  to  the  river.     Though  no  positive 


THE  WANDERINGS  OF  THE  WIROS  165 

evidence  has  appeared,  so  far  as  I  know,  there  is  reason  for  beUeving  that  many  of  these 
Gaelic  wanderers  found  refuge  in  south  Brittany  and  La  Vendue,  and  persisted  in  their 
lake-dwelUng  culture.  No  pile-dwelhngs  have  been  found  in  these  parts,  so  far  as  I  am 
aware,  yet  I  suspect  their  existence  ;  but  perhaps  the  numerous  islets  in  the  Bay  of 
Morbihan  were  a  sufficiently  safe  refuge  for  these  poor  folk. 

The  Kimric  invasion  of  Gaul  reached  at  first  neither  to  the  extreme  west  nor  to 
the  north,  for  its  main  advance  was  down  the  Rhone  valley  to  the  Midi.  But  there 
is  evidence  that  small  bands  moved  towards  the  north-east,  down  the  valleys  of  the  Meuse 
and  MoseUe,  and  we  can  pick  up  their  traces  again  in  Belgium.'*  So  far  direct 
archaeological  evidence  still  further  north  fails  us,  at  least  in  Hallstatt  times,  though 
perhaps  the  Kimri  did  not  cross  the  mouth  of  the  Rhine  until  they  had  adopted  La  Tene 
culture  ;  but  if,  as  I  have  suggested,  we  are  to  consider  the  name  Cimbri  as  a  variant 
of  Kimri,  they  must  have  reached  the  peninsula  of  Jutland,  to  which  they  gave  the 
name  of  the  Cimbric  Chersonese.  That  they  came  within  sight  of  the  Baltic  sea  is  clear, 
for  an  old  name  for  that  sea,  Morimarusam,*''  is  Celtic.  If,  however,  Rhys  is  correct 
in  considering  the  word  GoideHc,**  it  must  have  been  given  to  the  sea  by  the  Gaelic  refugees. 
In  Jutland  the  Kimri  came  into  contact  with  the  Teutones,  descendants  of  the  Wiros 
who  had  carried  northwards  the  Type  B  swords.  Whether  they  fought  them  at  first 
is  uncertain,  but  by  the  second  century  they  had  made  an  imholy  alHance  with  them  to 
ravage  the  lands  to  the  south,  and  they  would  again  have  carried  fire  and  sword 
throughout  Europe  had  not  their  operations  been  cut  short  in  102  B.C.  at  Aquae  Sextiae 
by  the  Roman  army  under  Marius. 

It  was  apparently  in  the  fourth  century,  or  a  few  years  earUer,  that  certain  tribes 
of  these  Kimri,  whether  a  southern  branch  of  the  Cimbri  or  tribes  living  to  the 
south-west  of  the  chersonese  in  Frisia,  Holland  or  Belgium,  is  uncertain,  began  to  move 
southwards  and  westwards.  These  were  the  Galati,  Galh  and  Belgae.  They  began  in 
various  waves  to  disturb  southern  Europe,  and  to  harry  the  settled  communities  as  far 
as  Asia  Minor,  where  they  survived  for  several  centuries  as  Galatians. 

>'  D^chelette  (1908-14)  ii.  615,  616. 

»7  Pliny  iv.  95  ;  Solinus  xix.  2  ;  quoted  by  Rhys  and  Brynmor- Jones  (1900)  80. 

»8  Rhys  and  Brynmor-Jones  (1900)  80. 

lU 


i66         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

It  is  not  necessary  for  our  purpose  to  trace  in  detail  these  movements,  except  in 
so  far  as  they  affect  our  problem.  In  the  second  century,  or  thereabouts,  the  Veneti, 
one  of  these  tribes,  who  had  taken  to  the  sea,  sailed  down  the  channel  and  settled  at 
Vannes,  at  the  head  of  the  Morbihan  bay. 

Their  arrival  seems  to  have  disturbed  the  GaeUc  lake-dwellers  of  this  region, 
for  about  this  time  we  find  people,  whose  culture  show  Breton  affinities,  settling  on 
either  side  of  the  Irish  channel.  In  the  lake-villages  of  Glastonbury*'  and  Meare  we  have 
evidence  of  the  arrival  of  these  refugees,  and  similar  evidence  may  be  found  in  Ireland, 
which  received  its  first  knowledge  of  iron  and  La  T6ne  culture  about  this  time.'"  In 
Ireland  these  timid  folk  built  their  usual  lake-dwellings,  and  crannogs,  in  the  lakes, 
though  Macalister  has  recently  seen  in  these  fortified  habitations  evidence  of  the 
arrival  of  Gaehc  conquerors,  who  thus  defended  themselves  from  the  treachery  of  their 
subjects,  among  whom  they  were  very  unpopular.^'  But,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Gaelic 
war  lords,  with  their  bronze  swords,  had  reached  Ireland  nearly  a  thousand  years 
before. 

It  was  during  one  of  these  late  Kimric  movements  that  the  Belgian  tribes  began 
to  cross  the  channel  into  Great  Britain.  It  is  doubtful,  at  present,  whether  the 
introduction  of  the  use  of  iron  and  La  T6ne  culture,  which  took  place  about  450  B.C., 
is  to  be  attributed  to  them,  for  there  were  probably  many  trading  posts  along  the 
coast,  like  the  one  excavated  at  Hengistbury  Head,^'  which  were  in  touch  with  the 
continent  and  could  have  imported  these  wares.  Some  of  these  settlements  may  even 
be  earher  than  the  La  Tene  period  ;  this  is  suspected  in  the  case  of  Hengistbury,  and 
was  certainly  the  case  at  Eastbourne,"  if  the  pottery  found  there  recently  really 
betokens  a  trading  post,  and  not  the  arrival  of  a  small  group  of  GaeUc  refugees  from 
the  further  bank  of  the  upper  Rhine. 

But  these  Belgic  invaders  were  almost  certainly  responsible  for  the  hill-top 
camps,  which  in  the  south  of  England  seem  to  be  earher  than  200  B.C.,  though  probably 

»»  Bulleid  &  Grey  (1911,  1917). 

30  Macalister  (1921)  2,  24,  50. 

3"  MacEilister  (1921)  2.  256. 

3»  Bushe-Fox  (1915). 

33  Budgen,  Rev.  W.,  Hallstatt  Pottery  from  Eastbourne.     A.J.    II.  354-360. 


THE  WANDERINGS  OF  THE  WIROS  167 

much  later  in  the  north  and  west.  To  them  we  must  also  attribute  the  introduction  of 
pedestal  vases  and  other  types  of  pottery  which  come,  undoubtedly,  from  the  Belgic 
area  on  the  continent.  Such  Belgic  movements  continued  until  the  first  century,  and  had 
only  ceased  shortly  before  the  arrival  of  Juhus  Caesar  in  northern  Gaul. 

Thus  the  Kimri,  or  as  we  may  now  call  them  the  Cymry,  did  not  enter  England 
imtil  about  300  B.C.,  and  for  a  time  seem  to  have  limited  their  settlements  to  the  chalk 
lands.  By  degrees  they  spread  to  the  oolite  ridge,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  they  had 
progressed  farther  when  Caesar  landed  here.  The  dense  Midland  forest  kept  them  back, 
and  they  seem  to  have  made  no  attempt  to  reach  Ireland,  or,  until  after  Caesar's  time, 
to  dispossess  the  Gaels  of  the  Parret  marshes.  But  early  in  the  Christian  era  civil  wars 
occurred  between  the  tribes  on  either  side  of  the  Thames,  which  led  eventually  to  Roman 
interference,  and  it  was  during  the  campaign  of  Aulus  Plautius  and  his  successors  that 
dispossessed  Cymric  leaders,  like  Caractacus,  fled  with  their  followers  to  the  west,  and 
introduced  into  Wales  a  C5miric  or  Brythonic  speech,  the  first  Wiro  dialect  to  be  spoken 
regularly  in  the  principahty,  except  along  trade  routes  and  in  the  small  GaeUc  settlements 
above  Cardiff. 


Chapter   XV. 
CONCLUSION 

WE  have  now  traced  in  outline  the  history  of  Celtic  peoples  and  Celtic  lands 
from  the  Wurmian  glaciation  to  the  Roman  conquest  of  Britain,  and  have 
cited  as  evidence  the  conclusions  drawn  from  linguistic  science  and  an  extensive 
array  of  data  of  an  anthropological  and  archaeological  character.  Though  most 
of  the  main  conclusions  arrived  at  have  been  suggested  before,  many  of  them  to 
be  subsequently  discarded  as  lacking  sufficient  evidence,  the  main  story  of  the  Wiros 
and  their  wanderings,  as  I  have  outlined  it  above,  seems  to  be  compatible  with  all  the 
positive  information  we  possess,  though  it  is  in  conflict,  as  I  am  well  aware,  with  many 
theories  that  have  been  built  upon  them. 

My  views  will  not,  I  feel  sure,  meet  with  ready  acquiescence  from  some  Celtic 
scholars,  especially  from  those  who  follow  Zimmer  and  Kuno  Meyer.  This  school 
has  for  thirty  years  been  engaged  in  proving  that  there  is  no  philological  evidence  for 
the  existence  of  Goidehc  speech  in  England  or  Wales,  except  such  as  was  introduced 
from  Ireland  in  the  third  or  fourth  century,  A.D.  I  do  not  wish  to  dispute  the  philological 
evidence,  nor  do  I  feel  competent  to  do  so.  I  am  ready  to  admit,  at  any  rate  for  the 
sake  of  argument,  that  no  such  philological  evidence  exists.  But  England  has  been 
overrun  by  Kimri,  Romans  and  Saxons,  since  the  Gaels  are  beheved  to  have  come,  and 
the  absence  of  such  evidence  is  not  surprising. 

I  would,  however,  point  out  that  the  absence  of  philological  evidence  of  their  presence 
is  not  conclusive  evidence  of  their  absence.  If  my  equation  of  the  bronze  swords  and 
the  finger-tip  pottery  with  Q  speaking  people  is  correct,  and  the  evidence  from  Italy  and 
the  Seine  valley  seems  incontrovertible,  the  Gaels  not  only  came  to  England,  but 
settled  there  in  considerable  numbers,  and  even  inhabited  the  southern  slopes  of  the 
Glamorgan  hills.     No  absence  of  GoideUc  elements  in  British  place-names  is  proof  against 

l68 


CONCLUSION  169 

such  positive  evidence.  A  few  of  the  Gaels  may  have  reached  Ireland  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Loire,  in  fact  it  seems  probable  that  some  such  movement  took  place,  though 
positive  archaeological  evidence  from  the  French  side  is  for  the  present  lacking. 

Lastly  there  is  an  idea  prevalent  in  some  quarters  that  at  one  time  there  was  in 
Europe  a  great  Celtic  empire.  Some  writers  speak  of  this  as  though  it  had  been  a  GaeUc 
empire.  I  have  been  unable  as  yet  to  trace  this  superstition  to  its  source.  I  suspect 
that  the  chapters  on  Brennius  in  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth's  History  of  the  Britons'  are  the 
real  foundation  for  this  strange  belief,  though  natiurally  no-one  to-day  would  base  a  serious 
hypothesis  upon  so  shifty  a  foundation.  M.  d'Arbois  de  Jubainville*  seems  to  rely  mainly 
on  a  passage  from  Livy',  in  which  the  writer  states  that  Bellovesus  and  Sigovesus,  nephews 
of  Ambigatus,  king  of  the  Bituriges,  were  sent  simultaneously  on  two  expeditions.  Livy 
says  nothing  of  an  empire,  and  the  movements  which  he  dates  at  600  B.C.  seem  to  have 
occurred  300  years  later.  Dechelette*  had  dealt  with  this  absurd  notion  according  to 
its  deserts. 

The  empire  of  Ambigatus,  if  such  a  thing  existed,  must  have  been  a  Kimric  not 
a  GaeUc  power.  But  empires,  if  we  are  to  understand  the  word  in  the  sense  in  which 
it  is  ordinarily  used,  need  settled  conditions,  such  as  did  not  prevail  in  north  or  north- 
west Europe  until  the  arrival  in  the  latter  region  of  the  pax  Romana.  It  is  conceivably 
possible  that  among  the  Kimri  the  tribal  chiefs  paid  some  form  of  loose  allegiance  to 
a  super-chief,  just  as  the  Dorians,  and  to  some  extent  the  Hellenic  world,  recognised, 
very  occasionally  the  hegemony  of  Sparta  ;  but  the  evidence  which  we  possess  from 
classical  sources  does  not  even  imply  the  existence  of  any  such  over-lordship  among  the 
Celts.  In  any  case  such  vague  hegemony  could  only  have  existed  among  the  Kimric 
tribes,  who  for  a  thousand  years  harried  the  people  of  Celtic  lands  and  the  Celtic 
cradle,  Gaelic  lords  or  non-Wiro  subjects  ahke.  Before  their  arrival  the  GaeUc  chiefs 
ruled  only  in  the  mountain  zone,  and  the  establishment  of  an  empire  in  a  mountainous 
country,  draining  into  four  rivers  and  four  seas,  would  have  been  more  impossible 
than  in  the  open  steppe. 

»  GeoSrey  of  Monmouth,  Hist.  Brit.  iii.  8-10.  3  Liv.  v.  34. 

'  Jubainville  (1904)  80.  +  D6chelette  (1908-14)  ii.  572,  573. 


Appendix  I 
CHRONOLOGY 

BEFORE  the  days  of  written  history  positive  chronology  is  to  some  extent  a 
matter  of  speculation,  and  until  the  beginning  of  this  century  it  was  little 
more  than  guesswork.  But  the  discoveries  of  Cnossos  provided  synchronisms  between 
the  archaeological  remains  of  Egypt  and  Europe,  and  since  then  rival  systems 
have  arisen,  all  of  which  approximate  more  or  less  nearly  to  the  truth.  The  palaeolithic 
age,  however,  still  remained  in  the  region  of  guesswork,  and  wild  and  very  discrepant 
attempts  have  been  made  to  estimate  its  length.  It  is  still  the  fashion  for  some 
writers  to  use  inflated  dates  and  to  count  years  in  hundreds  of  thousands,  but  the 
trend  of  the  evidence  produced  of  late  is  to  encourage  moderation,  and  it  seems  to  me 
possible  that  the  men  responsible  for  the  Fox  Hall  flints,  if  indeed  they  are  of  human 
workmanship,  may  not  have  been  separated  from  their  discoverer  by  a  period  of  time 
exceeding  150,000  years. 

When  matters  are  so  problematical,  cautious  writers  are  prone  to  be  content  with 
a  comparative  chronology,  or  to  speak  in  terms  of  millenia.  This  method  has 
advantages,  for  such  writers  run  little  risk  of  having  to  confess  that  they  have  made 
miscalculations.  On  the  other  hand,  the  use  of  actual  dates  leads  to  clear  thinking, 
and  to  gaining  a  vivid  impression  of  the  story,  and  since  we  have  now  good  groimds  for 
estimating  such  dates,  (and  I  shall  not  be  ashamed  to  own  up  if  later  discoveries  prove 
my  estimates  to  be  incorrect),  I  have  adopted  positive  dates  throughout,  indicating 
where  special  uncertainty  exists  and  the  direction  in  which  modification  may  be 
expected. 

While  the  early  palaeolithic  age  is  still  a  hazy  past,  and  the  middle  palaeolithic 

is  not  in  much  better  case,  the  later  palaeolithic  or  reindeer  age  can  now  be  shown  to 

170 


CHRONOLOGY  171 

be  relatively  modem,  while  the  hiatus  between  that  period  and  the  neolithic  age  has 
disappeared.  Thanks  to  the  work  of  Baron  de  Geer'  we  have  some  foundation  for  a 
chronology  of  this  period,  and  the  results  of  this  work  have  long  been  made  known  to 
English  readers  by  Professor  Sollas.*  There  seems  to  be  little  doubt  but  that  the  pause 
in  the  retreat  of  the  Scandinavian  ice  by  Lake  Ragunda,  which  de  Geer  has  dated  at 
5000  B.C.,  may  be  equated,  as  has  been  shown  by  Brooks, ^  with  the  Daim  stadium  of 
Penck.*  The  Fenno-Scandian  moraines,  on  the  other  hand,  can  only  be  equated  with 
the  Biihl  advance  which  took  place  towards  the  close  of  Magdalenian  times,  and  this 
gives  us  a  date  of  7000  to  7500  B.C.  for  Magdalenian.  The  Goti-glacial  moraines 
seem  to  indicate  the  second  Wiirm  maximum,  and  SoUas'  estimate  for  the  interval 
seems  eminently  reasonable  and  has  been  adopted  here  ;  the  first  maximum  of  the 
Wiirm  seems  represented  by  the  Dani-glacial  line. 

The  later  dates  depend,  by  a  series  of  synchronisms,  on  those  ascertained  from 
the  Egyptian  monuments,  and  it  is  unfortunate  that  on  this  point  authorities  differ. 
The  difference  between  the  various  schools  of  thought  has  been  well  and  fairly 
summarised  by  Dr.  Hall ;'  the  two  great  protagonists  are  Professor  Flinders  Petrie*  and 
Dr.  Edouard  Meyer,^  whose  system  has  been  adopted  with  slight  modifications  by 
Professor  Breasted.*  For  this  reason  there  are  alternative  systems  in  vogue  for  the 
period  preceding  1580  B.C. 

Since  so  many  great  authorities,  well  acquainted  with  the  facts  and  well  able  to 
interpret  them,  differ  as  to  the  result,  one,  who  is  not  an  Egyptologist,  can  decide 
between  them  only  by  testing  the  application  of  both  systems  in  his  own  field  of  study. 
Having  appUed  this  test  to  both  schemes,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  accepting  the  latter 
or  shorter  chronology,  for  by  the  former  I  find  that  the  earlier  periods  would  be  more 
prolonged  than  the  evolution  of  the  culture  warrants.  I  have  therefore,  throughout  this 
work  used  dates  based  on  those  given  for  Egypt  by  Professor  Breasted.  This,  of  course, 
does  not  apply  to  Mesopotamian  dates. 


'  Geer  (1896),  (1912).  J  Hall  (1913)  15-30. 

»  Sollas  (191 1)  395-397.  *  Petrie  (1906)  ch.  xii. 

3  Brooks  (1921).  7  Meyer  (1904). 

4  Penck  &  Bruckner  (1909).  8  Breasted  (1912). 


172         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

Dr.  Hall  would  like  to  add  another  century  or  two  to  this  shorter  chronology,' 
and  there  is  much  to  be  said  for  such  a  step.  I  have  not,  however,  ventured  to  do  so 
here,  but  if  such  an  amendment  should  prove  generally  acceptable,  it  would  only  be 
necessary  to  add  the  required  figure  to  all  my  dates,  other  than  Mesopotamian,  prior 
to  1580  B.C.,  as  far  back  as  the  beginning  of  the  neoUthic  age. 

9  HaU  (1913)  25. 


Appendix  II 
MATRILINEAR   SUCCESSION    IN   GREECE 

BACHOFEN'  was  the  first  to  draw  attention  to  the  existence  of  mother-right 
in  Greece,  and  he  was  followed  in  1886  by  M'Lennan.*  Both  these  authors 
claimed  support  from  evidence  which  will  not  now  stand  investigation ;  a  more 
judicious  statement  of  the  case  was  issued  last  year  by  Dr.  Hartland.'  In  1911  Professor 
Rose*  set  out  to  prove  the  case,  but  found  that  his  evidence  led  him  to  a  contrary 
conclusion,  and  he  argued  that  such  customs  were  unknown  in  Hellenic  Greece.  If  by 
Hellenic  he  means  "Achaean"  and  Dorian,  that  is  to  say  Wiro  Greece,  I  am  in  full 
agreement  with  him,  but  he  includes  also  Minoan  Crete,  "because  it  is  just  possible  that 
the  population  was  in  some  sense  Hellenic."' 

Rose  argues  that  the  existence  of  the  worship  of  a  mother  goddess  must  not  be 
taken  as  evidence  of  matrilinear  succession,  and  were  this  the  only  detail  on  which 
we  could  rely,  I  would  readily  admit  that  the  evidence  was 'too  slight.  But  we  have 
some  support  from  pedigrees.  Rose  dismisses  the  evidence  from  traditional  genealogies, 
because  "  many  of  these  are  late,  and  a  large  part  of  them  is  doubtless  pure  invention."* 
I  do  not  feel  confident  that  we  must  dismiss  these  genealogies,  even  if  late,  so 
summarily.  Much  of  the  detail  contained  in  them  occurs  in  the  tragedians,  who 
gathered  it  from  the  legendary  matter  current  in  their  day.  That  there  was  much 
more  such  legendary  matter,  and  that  it  was  for  long  after  kept  alive  in  the  minds  of  the 
people,  is  clear  from  the  pages  of  Pausanias.  Still  doubtless  there  were  some  inventions, 
in  fact  it  is  obvious  from  internal  evidence  that  this  was  so,  but  such  interpolations 
can  usually  be  detected,  and  by  no  means  vitiate  the  pedigrees  for  our  purpose.      Often 

■  Bachofen  (1897).  4  Rose  (1911). 

»  M'Lennan  (1886)  195-246.  5  Rose  (191 1)  279- 

3  Hartland  (1921)   122-124.  '  Rose  (1911)     283. 

173 


174         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

the  interpolation  is  but  the  substitution  of  a  fictitious  name  for  an  unnamed  son  or 
daughter,  or  when  tradition  states  that  C  is  the  grandson  of  A,  a  name  B  has  been 
invented  to  fill  in  the  missing  intermediate  ancestor. 

I  propose,  therefore,  to  examine  some  of  these  pedigrees,  and  will  choose  those  of 
undoubted  Minoan  origin.  Ridgeway'  has  suggested  that  the  Minoans  traced  their 
descent  from  Poseidon,  as  the  "  Achaeans  "  did  from  Zeus  or  Ares.  There  are  three 
well-known  famihes  that  do  so,  the  Neleids  of  Pylos,  the  Danaans  of  the  Argolid  and 
the  Cadmeians  of  Boeotia ;  in  the  two  former  cases  there  is  ample  evidence  that  those 
places  received  a  population  from  Crete  either  in  the  first  or  early  in  the  second  Late 
Minoan  period. 

The  Neleid  pedigree  is  meagre  and  does  not  help  us,  but  those  of  the  Danaans  and 
Cadmeians  are  fuller,  and  it  is  claimed  by  later  writers  that  the  famihes  were  connected. 
The  first  part  of  the  genealogy  is  unquestionably  fictitious,  and  designed  to  show  a 
connection  between  the  two  famihes,  but  it  is  worth  looking  at. 

TosEiTxm =Libya. 


Behis=^Anchinoe.  AgenoT=Telephassa. 


Danaus=     .     .     iEgyptus=    .     .     Ca.dnms=Harmonia  Phoenix   Cilix   Europa=ZEUS. 


49  daus.    Hypermnestra — Lynceus  49  sons.         Minos.        Rhadamanthus.        Sarpedon. 

Here  we  find  the  late  genealogist  inventing  a  pedigree  to  connect  the  traditional 
famihes  of  the  Argohd,  Thebes  and  Cnossos  with  the  eponymous  heroes  of  Phoenicia, 
Cihcia  and  Egypt,  and  tracing  them  all  from  Poseidon.  This  seems  to  indicate  that 
popular  tradition  beheved  all  these  famihes  and  peoples  to  have  been  connected,  and 
that  they  were  worshippers  of  the  sea-god. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  Danaan  pedigree.  That  the  fifty  daughters  of  Danaus 
were  mythical  admits  of  no  doubt,  and  the  same  is  true  of  their  fifty  cousins,  but  it  is 
possible   that   tradition   is   correct   in    claiming   that   one   of    them,    Hypermnestra, 

7  Ridgeway  (1901). 


MATRILINEAR  175 

married  her  cousin  and  succeeded  her  father.  They  are  succeeded  by  Abas,  who  is 
followed  by  Acrisius,  and  then  again  we  get  a  daughter  Danae,  who  is  succeeded  by  her 
son  Perseus.  This  hero  is  said  to  have  left  many  sons,  but  here  the  pedigree  gets 
mixed.  It  seems  more  likely  to  my  mind  that  Perseus  was  succeeded  by  Electryon, 
whose  daughter  Alcmene  married  her  cousin  Amphitryon,  though  later  writers,  accustomed 
to  a  more  strictly  patrilinear  succession,  made  Amphitryon  succeed  his  father  Alcaeus 
as  king  of  Mycenae.  But  the  times  were  troubled,  the  Pelopids  were  conquering  the 
Peloponnese  and  the  succession  failed.  It  is  weU  to  remember,  though,  that  Perseus 
is  said  to  have  had  a  daughter  Gorgophane,  whose  name  may  well  be  fictitious  and 
that  her  son  or  grandson  Tyndareus  was  father  of  Clytemnestra.  It  would  seem  that 
both  Agamemnon  and  .^gistheus  claimed  to  reign  not  only  by  right  of  conquest  but  jure 
uxoris. 

Hartland  has  well  cited  from  the  Eumenides  that  "  when  Orestes,  pursued  by  the 
Erinyes  for  his  mother's  death,  pleads  that  he  is  not  of  kin  to  her  and  wins  by  the 
casting  vote  of  Athena,  the  Erinyes  are  startled  and  shocked  on  finding  that  even  the 
gods  decide  against  them,  declaring  that  these,  the  younger  gods,  have  over-ridden  the 
old  laws  and  unexpectedly  plucked  Orestes  out  of  their  hands."* 

Cadmus  is  said  to  have  married  Harmonia,  daughter  of  Ares,  again  a  fictitious 
name  for  a  Thracian  maiden.  He  had  four  daughters  and  one  son,  but  it  is  not  the 
latter  who  succeeds  him,  but  the  son  of  his  fourth  daughter  Agaue.  The  Bacchae  of 
Euripides  seems  to  show  a  struggle  between  the  claims  of  the  priestly  or  divine  son  of 
Semele,  the  eldest  daughter,  and  the  more  mundane  and  regal  son  of  Agaue,  the 
youngest.  The  claim  of  Polydorus,  the  only  son,  does  not  arise  until  Dionysus  has 
been  banished  and  Pentheus  slain. 

While  these  genealogies,  much  garbled  by  writers  accustomed  only  to  patrilinear 
succession,  show  the  frequent  succession  of  a  daughter  or  a  daughter's  son,  it  may  well 
be  urged  that  there  is  no  evidence  of  the  importance  of  the  maternal  uncle,  or  of  the 
avunculi  potestas  of  Sir  James  Frazer.  This  is  imdoubtedly  true,  and  no  reasonable  claim 
can  be  made  that  this  particular  form  of  matrilinear  succession  obtained  in  Minoan 
Greece.     But  are  we  sure  that  there  is  only  one  tj^e  of  matriUnear  succession  ?     The 

«  Hartland  (1921)  123. 


176         THE  BRONZE  AGE  AND  THE  CELTIC  WORLD 

forms  of  patrilinear  succession  are  not  all  alike.  The  laws  on  this  subject  varied  between 
the  Ripuarian  and  the  Salic  Franks,  the  British  crown  passes  by  a  rule  which  differs  from 
that  governing  the  descent  of  a  peerage,  and  peerages  granted  by  letters  patent  differ 
from  those  dependent  upon  a  writ  of  summons.  I  submitted  the  point  recently  to 
the  late  Dr.  Rivers,  who  told  me  that  it  was  his  opinion  that  several  t57pes  of  matrilinear 
succession  had  probably  existed  and  that  he  had  found  evidence  of  two  in  Melanesian 
society. 

I  do  not  suggest  that  the  evidence  which  I  have  cited  shows  the  typical  matrilinear 
succession  as  it  is  commonly  understood,  or  that  among  pre- Hellenic  peoples  "  the  father 
did  not  count,"'  but  it  seems  to  hint  that  the  succession  was  in  the  process  of  passing 
from  some  form  of  matrilinear  to  some  form  of  patrilinear  descent.  Perhaps  it  may 
only  indicate  that  the  eldest  child  succeeded  regardless  of  sex,  but  in  any  case  there 
appears  to  be  sufficient  evidence  for  assuming  that  in  Minoan  cities  an  heiress  counted 
for  more  poUtically  than  she  did  in  "  Achaean "  households.  It  is  well,  too,  to 
remember  in  this  connection  that  these  Minoan  tyrants  were  probably  Prospectors 
and  that  among  another  group  of  Prospectors,  the  Etruscans,  "  it  is,  of  course,  agreed 
on  all  hands  that  such  a  system  did  exist."" 

»  Murray  (1907)  74.  »  Rose  (1920)  94. 


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INDEX 


Abas,  175. 

Abercromby,  Lord,  77,  79, 102, 103. 

Aberdeenshire,  79. 

Aborigines,  150-152. 

Abraham,  140. 

Achseans,  104-107,  109-115,  129,  147,  161,  173-176. 

Acrisius,  107,  175. 

Adriatic  sea,  55, 83,  88, 122, 127, 128, 159, 160, 163. 

iEgean  region,  34,  83-85. 

iEgean  sea,  40, 109, 127, 158. 

JEgean  traders,  80,  82,  lOO,  126. 

iEgeus,  107. 

jEgisthus,  175. 

.Egyptus,  174. 

Mqni,  148,  149. 

iEschylus,  112. 

Afghanistan,  158. 

Africa,  21-23,  27-29,  33. 

Agamemnon,  175. 

Agaue,  175. 

Agenor,  174. 

Agram,  15. 

Akkad,  41. 

Ala-tau  mountains,  138. 

Albanian  language,  147. 

Alcaeus,  175. 

Alcmene,  175. 

Alerona,  95. 

Alexandria,  55,  114, 139. 

Algeria,  21,  22,  25,  29,  78. 

All  Cannings  Cross,  102, 130,  164. 

Alpine  race,  30,  33,  56,  61,  62,  64,  66,  68,  75,  79,  81, 
82,  loi,  106, 108-110, 112, 113, 125-128, 135, 
136, 145,  146, 154, 158, 159, 164. 

Alpine  zone,  15,  17,  18,  61,  62. 

Alps,  15,  18,  124,  148,  151, 164. 

Alt-Bydzow,  119. 

amber,  45,  49,  50,  53,  60.  76,  83, 128. 

Ambigatus,  169. 

America,  56. 

Amitemum,  151, 152,  163. 

Amphitryon,  106,  175. 

Anatolia,  75, 108, 113,  158,  see  Asia  Minor. 

Anatolian  plateau,  30,  127. 

Anatolian  type,  75. 


Anau,  39,  73,  74, 139, 157. 

Anchinoe,  174. 

Ancona,  93,  160. 

Andalusia,  55,  77,  78. 

Andamanese,  155. 
I     Andrasfalva,  119. 
i     Annecy,  62. 
i     antimony,  40. 

Apennines,  96,  122,  128,  131,  151,  152,  160,  163. 

Apulia,  28,  95, 149. 

Aquae  Sextiae,  165. 

Aquitaine,  161. 

Arabian  desert,  72,  73, 117. 

Aral  sea,  142. 

Aralo-Caspian  basin,  72. 

Arameans,  117. 

Arctic  Circle,  157. 

Arctic  culture,  31,  160. 

Arctic  ocean,  72. 

Ardudwy,  55. 

Ares,  106, 114, 160, 174, 175. 

Arezzo,  95. 

Argolid,  109,  174. 

Ariadne,  106. 

Armenia,  39,  42,  75,  158. 

Armenian  highlands,  29,  30,  61, 142, 158. 

Armenian  language,  160. 

Armenians,  75. 

Armenoid  t3^e,  75. 

Aryan  cart,  137. 

Aryan  cradle,  137-139, 144,  153. 

Aryan  hypothesis,  132, 133, 135, 144. 

Aryan  languages,  29,  79,    133,    134 ;    see   Wiro 
languages. 

Aryan  race,  134,  137,  138,  153. 

Aryans,  134, 136, 139  ;  see  Wiros. 

Aryas,  133,  158. 

Ascoli  Piceno,  93, 128, 149, 151. 

Ashby-de-la-Zouch,  46. 

Asia,  22.  39,  42,  54,  64,  67,  71,  112,  118,  129,  138, 

144.  154- 
Asia  Minor,  39,  57,  59,  62,  64,  73,  75,  108,  113, 

115,  125,  126,  129,  141,  147,  158,  160,  163, 

165  ;  see  Anatolia. 
Assur,  41. 


191 


192 


INDEX 


Asturias,  55. 

Athena,  175. 

Athens,  55,  82,  147. 

Atlantic  coast,  59. 

Atreidae,  112. 

Audi  flints,  20-22. 

Aulus  Plautius,  167. 

Aurignac  culture,  21,  23,  25,  27. 

Aurignac  people,  157. 

Aurignac  period,  24,  28,  69,  140,  141. 

Aussee,  95. 

Australians,  155. 

Austria,  98,  118, 

Austria,  lower,  94,  97. 

Austria,  upper,  95. 

Austro-Hungary,  99. 

Auvemier,  97. 

Avesta,  158. 

Avon,  45. 

Azilian  culture,  28,  31,  32. 

Azilian  period,  27,  29,  33,  141,  143. 

Babylon,  58. 

Babylonian  Empire,  42. 

Babylonians,  42,  59,  60. 

Bacchae,  175. 

Bachofen,  173. 

Bak  tribes,  74. 

Bala  cleft,  129,  161. 

Bala  lake,  46. 

Balkan  moimtains,  127. 

Balkan  peninsula,  113, 129. 

Balkh,  75,  157. 

Baltic  languages,  157,  160. 

Baltic  region,  17,  32,  33,  46,  50,  51,  54,  60,  78,  93, 

115,  160. 
Baltic  sea,  45, 47, 76, 77,  83, 114, 126, 128, 157. 165. 
Baranza  county,  94. 
Bardon  Hill,  46. 
Bari,  55. 

Barma  Grande,  24,  25. 
Basque  language,  17. 
Batia,  151,  160. 
Battina,  94. 
Batum,  118. 
Bavaria,  30. 
beads.  37,  38,  45,  52. 
beakers,  100,  127. 

Beaker-folk,  66,  68,  77-80, 102, 127, 158. 
B€k6s  county,  95. 
Belfort  gap,  129,  161. 
Belgae,  165,  166. 

Belgium,  30,  76, 126, 130, 131, 165. 
Bellovesus,  169. 
Belus,  174. 
Benfey,  138. 
Bengal,  132.  137. 


Bengalese,  134. 

Berber  languages,  29. 

Bereg  county,  95. 

Berosus,  60. 

Bevere  Island,  45. 

Beyrut,  38. 

Bituriges,  169. 

Black  Sea,  138, 141 ;  see  Euxine  Sea 

Boeotia,  96,  109, 174. 

Bogdanov,  68,  69, 156. 

Boghaz  Keui,  58,  59. 

Bohemia,  77-79,  97. 100, 119, 120, 127, 158. 

Bologna,  57, 123. 131. 

Bondo,  85. 

Bononia,  163. 

Bopp,  F.,  132,  133. 

Bosnia,  68,  98, 122, 128,  159,  160, 163. 

Bourget,  62. 

Brandenburg,  93,  94. 

Breasted,  Prof.  J.  H.,  38, 171. 

Brenner  Pass,  77,  98. 

Brennius,  169. 

Brent,  130. 

Breslau,  64,  75,  139- 

Briges,  112, 115, 129,  160. 

Britain,  17,  26,  28-30.  32,  33,  44,  45,  49,  50,  52, 

60,  66,  79,  80,  91,  93,  94.  96.  98-100, 103. 

116,  125,  127,  129-131,  147,  158,  161,  162, 

166,  168. 
British  Empire,  107. 
Britons,  82,  169. 
Brittany,  15,  41,  43.  44,  46,  52,  54,  60,  78,  Il6, 130, 

136,  144,  161,  165. 
Broadway,  45. 
Broken  HiU,  21. 
Brooks,  C.  E.  P.,  72,  171. 
Briinn,  24,  25,  69,  140,  155. 
Briix,  24,  140,  155. 
Brythonic  language,  144,  145, 167. 
Brythons,  16, 162  ;  see  Cymri. 
Buda-Pest,  88,  92,  94,  95. 
Buddhists,  37. 
Biihl  advance.  27.  171. 
Bukovina.  129. 
Burgimdy.  99. 
Biirkanow,  95. 
Burton-on-Trent,  46. 
Butta,  119. 

Cadmeian  fox,  106. 
Cadmeians.  174. 
Cadmus.  109.  174,  175. 
Caesar,  Julius,  15.  17,  148.  167, 
Caicus,  73. 
Calabria,  93. 
Cambridge,  92. 
Campignian  culture,  33. 


INDEX 


193 


Capsian  culture,  22,  29. 

Capsian  people,  27. 

Caractacus,  167. 

Carcassone  gap,  52. 

Cardiff,  130,  167. 

Cardiganshire,  55. 

Caria,  73. 

Carinthia,  122. 

Camiola,  62,  94,  95. 

Carolingian  monarch,  107. 

Carpathian  Mountains,  18,  40,  64,  76,   120,  127, 

139,  143,  157,  159. 
Caspian  Sea,  71,  74,  75,  141,  142. 
Caspio-Aral  sea,  142. 
Casson,  S.,  147. 
Castellucio,  53,  54. 
caste  system,  82. 
Castions  di  Strada,  92. 
Caucasus,  59,  118, 120, 121, 129, 147, 161. 
Celts,  17,  132,  133, 161, 164,  169. 
Celtic  cradle,  18,  29,  61,  81,  88,  99,  104,  119,  120, 

128,  146,  147,  159,  161,  169. 
Celtic  Empire,  169. 
Celtic  lands,  17, 19,  20,  22,  25-31,  33,  47,  60,  61,  98, 

99,  104,  131,  146,  148,  153,  168,  169. 
Celtic  languages,  15-17,  29,  60,  61,  132,  133,  144- 

146,  159,  163,  164. 
Celtic  people,  18,  168. 
Celtic  place-names,  17. 
Celtic  race,  17. 
Celtic  scholars,  145,  168. 
Centaurs,  75,  158, 
Central  Europe,  see  Europe,  centraJI, 
Cercyon,  106. 
Chalybes,  118,  161. 
Chamberlain,  Houston,  136. 
Chamblandes,  141. 
Chancelade  skull,  23,  27,  28. 
Chantre,  R.,  118. 
Chapelle-aux-Saints,  21. 
CheUes  implements,  19. 
Cher,  99. 
Chernigov,  64. 
Chester,  46. 
Chiano,  95. 
Chichester,  45. 
China,  74. 
Chinese  script,  74. 
Christianity,  49. 
Christians,  ^y. 
Chvojka,  M.,  66. 
Cilicia,  40,  174. 
Cilix,  174. 
Cimbri,  162,  165. 
Cimbric  Chersonese,  162,  165. 
Cimmerians,  162. 
Cirencester,  45. 


Cividale,  93,  122,  131. 

Clark,  Col.  E.  Kitson,  46, 

Clyde,  Firth  of,  46. 

Clytemnestra,  175. 

Cnossos,  65,  170,  174. 

Combe  Capelle,  24-28, 30, 33, 61, 63, 67, 69, 140, 155. 

Comcetho,  106. 

Constantine,  21. 

Conway,  Prof.  R.  S.,  148,  149. 

Cook,  O.  P.,  72. 

copper,  36,  38-44,  47,  49,  50,  60,  65,  80,  82,  83,  85, 

100,  108,  126,  127. 
Cordier,  H.,  74. 
Cornwall,  15,  55,  144. 
Corwen,  46. 
Cotswold  Hills,  45,  51. 
Cracow,  15,  64. 
crannogs,  166. 

Crawford,  O.  G.  S.,  32,  45,  46,  loi,  102,  125,  153. 
Cretans,  108,  109. 

Crete,  40-42,  65,  85,  96,  108,  109,  174. 
Crimea,  59. 
Croatia,  159,  163. 
Cromagnon  race,  23-29. 
Cromyon  sow,  106. 
Cuno,  J.  G.,  138,  140,  153. 
Cwm  Bychan,  46. 
Cyclades,  42. 

Cymri,  16,  162,  167 ;  see  Brythons. 
Cymric  language,  144,  167. 
Cyprus,  42,  43,  85,  96. 

Dacian  language,  147. 

Damascus,  38. 

Damastes,  106. 

Damocles,  no. 

Danaans,  174. 

Danae,  175. 

Danaus,  109,  174. 

Dani-glacial  line,  171. 

Danube,  30,  40,  75,  76,  82,  83,  88,  92,  94,  95,  99, 

105-107,  113,  115,  119,  121,  127,  129,  130, 

147,  163,  164. 

Daun  stadivun,  171. 

Dead  Sea,  71. 

Dechelette,  J.,  90,  99,  102,  125,  169. 

Dee,  45. 

Delta,  the,  38,  40,  96,  114. 

Denise,  24. 

Denmark,  44-46,  51,  78,  93,  94,  96,  97,  128,  130. 

Dernazacco,  122. 

Deverel-Rimbury,  102. 

Devon,  55. 

Dexheim,  120. 

Dhimini  ware,  75,  158. 

Diarbekir,  42. 

Dinaric  race,  108. 

u 


194 


INDEX 


Dintomi  del  Fucino,  95. 

Dionysius  of  Halicamassus,  150-152. 

Dionysus,  175. 

Dnieper,  64,  67,  68,  74, 126, 140,  154. 

Dniester,  64. 

Dodona,  113,  161. 

dolmens,  48-51,  53-55,  58,  59. 

Donja-Dolina,  98. 

Dordogne,  21,  25,  27,  28,  69. 

Dorian  invasion,  105, 121, 129,  147, 163. 

Dorians,  147, 152, 169,  173. 

Douglas,  Sir  Robert,  74. 

Dover,  Straits  of,  79. 

Dowris,  116. 

Drave,  122,  130,  159. 

Drenthe,  79. 

Dublin,  44-46,  98,  99. 

Dunkirk,  136. 

Eastbourne,  166. 

East  Scandinavian  culture,  32. 

East  Spanish  art,  27. 

Ebnal,  45. 

Egger,  Dr.  S.,  92. 

Egypt,  22,  29,  36,  39,  48,  49,  54,  65,  73,  85,  96, 100, 

108, 115,  140,  161, 170, 171, 174. 
Egyptians,  29,  40. 
Elamite  culture,  73. 
Elamites,  74. 
El  Argar,  43. 
Elbe,  68,  79,  83. 
Electryon,  175. 

Elliott,  Smith  Prof.  G.,  36,  37,  54. 
Endrod,  95. 
England,  17,  26,  46,  49,  79,  97,  98,  102,  103,  129, 

132,  138,  164,  166-168. 
English  language,  29. 
eoliths,  19. 

^pingles  k  raquette,  119. 
Epirus,  113. 
Erinyes,  175. 
Erse  language,  17. 
Erzeroum,  42. 
Erzgebirge,  83. 
Eskimos,  27. 
Este,  122. 
Ethiopic  race,  28. 

Etruria,  58,  59, 122, 123, 131. 148, 149, 163, 164. 
Etruria  Circumpadana,  122. 
Etruscan  language,  60. 
Etruscans,  57,  58, 114, 124, 131, 149,  176. 
Etruscan  tombs,  56,  59. 
Eumenides,  175. 
Euripides,  175, 
Europe,  central,  15,  23,  25,  28-30,  37,  40.  45,  61, 

83,  84,  87,  98,  99,  101-103,  106,  115,  116, 

119, 125, 128, 145, 146, 152, 153. 


Europa,  174. 

Eurytion,  107. 

Euxine  Sea,  65,  75,  83,  118,  127,  142,  158 ;   see 

Black  Sea. 
Evans,  Sir  Arthur,  77. 
Evesham,  45. 
ex  oriente  lux,  137. 

Falisci,  149. 

Fationovo  culture,  126. 

Fejdr,  97. 

Felsina,  163,  164, 

Fenno-Scandian  moraines,  171. 

Fens,  46,  97. 

Fergusson,  James,  50. 

Fick,  A.,  138. 

Ficulle,  95. 

Fiesole,  58. 

finger-tip  ware,  102,  103. 

Finist^re,  51. 

Finland,  99, 100, 125, 130, 164. 

Finns,  126. 

First  Cataract,  22. 

Fiume,  83,  127,  128. 

Fleure,  Prof.  H.  J.,  28,  55-57, 155. 

Flinders  Petrie,  Prof.  W.  M.,  40, 171. 

Florence,  56. 

Forth,  Firth  of,  46. 

Foxhall,  19,  170. 

France,  26,  27,  30,  33,  35,  46,  50,  51,  62,  93,  94,  96, 

97,  99, 125, 129-132, 136, 138, 145, 147, 153  ; 

see  Gaul. 
Franks,  134,  176. 
Frassineto,  95. 
Frazer,  Sir  James,  175. 
French,  119,  133. 
Frisia,  165. 
Fritzen,  120. 

Friuli.  88,  92,  93,  122,  128,  131,  159,  163. 
Fucino,  116  ;  see  Lake  Fucino. 
Furfooz,  30,  126. 

Gaelic  Empire,  169. 

Gaelic  language,  68,  144 ;  see  Goidelic. 

Gaels,  16,  164-169  ;  see  Goidels. 

Galati,  165. 

Galatians,  165. 

Galicia,  65,  66,  77,  79,  95,  120,  127.  129,  139,  158, 

161. 
GaUey-hill  skeleton,  19. 
Galli,  165  ;  see  Gauls. 
Gallipoli  peninsula,  75,  158. 
Galloway,  Mull  of,  46. 
Gata,  119. 

Gaul,  17,  134,  161,  162, 164,  165,  167  ;   see  France. 
Gaul,  Cis-Alpine,  17. 
Gaulish  language,  29. 
Gauls,  148  ;  see  Galli. 


INDEX 


195 


Gaya,  119. 

Geer,  Baron  de,  171. 

Geiger,  L.,  138. 

Gelderland,  79. 

Geneva,  62. 

Geoffrey  of  Monmouth,  169. 

German  language,  132, 133. 

Germany,  25,  44,  78,  93,  94,  96-99,  125,  132,  133, 

136,  138,  144. 
Germans,  119,  136. 
Gibraltar  woman,  21. 
Giles,  Dr.  Peter,  133,  139-143. 
Giza,  54. 

Gladstone,  Dr.,  40. 
Glamorgan,  55,  168. 
Glasinatz,  122. 
Glastonbury,  166. 
Goidelic  language,  80,   144,    145,   165,   168  ;    see 

Gaelic. 
Goidels,  16  ;  see  Gaels, 
gold,  36-40,  43,  44,  47,  49,  50,  52,  53,  56,  60,  84, 

108,  161. 
G6m6r  coimty,  95. 
Gorgophane,  175. 
Gorodak,  97. 

Goti-glaciaJ  moraines,  171. 
Goumia,  108. 
Gowland,  Prof.  W.,  118. 
Gozo,  48. 

Graig  Llwyd,  35,  39. 
Grand-Pressigny,  La,  35,  39. 
Grant,  Madison,  135. 
Greece,  65,  85,  97,  99,  104-107,  109,  no,  114,  116, 

121, 129, 131, 146, 147, 163, 173, 175. 
Greek  colonies,  163. 

Greek  lands,  85,  104-106,  109,  115,  146,  147,  152. 
Greek  language,  132, 145, 146, 148. 
Greek  literature,  137. 
Greek  merchants,  52,  56. 
Greeks,  112,  129. 
Grenelle,  24,  30. 

Grimaldi  race,  23-25,  28,  29,  33,  37. 
Grisons,  85. 
Gross-Steffelsdorf,  95. 
Gross-Tschemitz,  97. 
Grotte  des  enfants,  23,  24,  37. 
Grubegg,  95,  97. 
Guernsey,  78. 
Gyalar,  121,  129. 
Gyula-fehervar,  96. 

Haghia-Triada,  65. 
Hajdu  county,  94. 
Hajdu-b6sz6nneny,  94,  97. 
Hall,  Dr.  H.  R.,  39,  106,  171,  172. 
Hallstatt,  81,  87,  91,  92,  98,  loi,  105, 115, 116, 118, 
119, 130, 154, 162, 165. 


Hal-Tarxien,  52-54. 

Halys,  58. 

Hammurabi,  74,  142,  157. 

Hanover,  136. 

Harlech,  46. 

Harmonia,  174. 

Hartland,  Dr.  S.    173,  175. 

Hawes,  Mrs.,  73. 

Hehn,  V.,  137. 

Heidelberg,  19. 

Hellespont,  73,  115,  127,  158,  160. 

Hengistbury  Head,  166. 

hepatoscopy,  58. 

Hera,  106. 

Heracles,  106. 

Heraclids,  121. 

Hemici,  148,  149. 

Herodotus,  105, 142, 145-148, 161, 162. 

Herzegovina,  97,  128,  159. 

Hesse,  Rhenish,  120. 

Hesse-Darmstadt,  120. 

Himalayan  massif,  29,  137. 

Himella,  160. 

Hindu  Kush,  29,  137,  139,  157. 

Hippocrates,  145-147. 

Hissarlik,  42,  73. 

Hissarlik  H.,  43, 54, 66, 68, 73, 75,  78, 82, 83, 127, 158. 

Hissarlik  IH.,  75. 

Hissarlik  VI.,  66. 

Hittite  language,  144. 

Hittites,  58,  76,  127,  158. 

Holdemess,  32. 

Holland,  50,  127,  158,  165. 

Holmes,  T.  Rice,  80. 

Homer,  105,  146. 

Homeric  heroes,  113. 

Hooton,  Dr.  E.  A.,  122. 

Hubert,  M.,  153. 

Hungarian  plain,  62-64,  76,  81,  88,  117,  120,  128, 

139,  141,  142,  159. 
Hungary,  63,  64,  76,  81,  83-86,  88,  92-96,  99,  117, 

119-121, 127-129, 141, 158. 
Huns,  72. 

Huntington,  Ellsworth,  71,  72,  142. 
Hypermnestra,  174. 

lapygian  race,  28. 

Iberian  peninsula,  52,  53,  100,  131. 

ice  age,  141. 

Iliad,  105,  106,  112,  113, 

India,  59,  82,  137,  141. 

Indian  dialects,  133. 

Indo-European  language,  79,  133. 

Indo-Germanic  language,  133. 

Indo-Iranian  languages,  158. 

Indre,  99. 

Indre-et-Loire,  35. 


196 


INDEX 


lona,  49. 

Ionic  dialect,  145,  146. 

Ipswich  skeleton,  19. 

Iranian  languages,  146,  158,  161. 

Iranian  plateau,  74,  127,  142,  157,  158. 

Iranians,  163. 

Ireland,  15, 17,  28,  30,  32,  44,  47,  49,  51,  54,  55.  60, 

79,  98-100,  129,  130,  137,  144.  161,  166-169. 
Irish  gold  fields,  44-46. 
Irish  language,  29. 
Irishmen,  21. 
Iron  Gates,  18. 

iron  swords,  117,  125,  129,  130,  152,  154,  163. 
iron  sword  people,  131,  147,  152. 
Islam,  72. 
Isleof  Arran,  78. 
Isle  of  Man,  15,  144. 
Isonzo,  122, 131. 
Israelites,  53. 
Italians,  133. 

Italic  languages,  146,  159. 
Italy,  15,  17,  35,  37,  44,  57,  58,  77,  78,  83-85,  94, 

95.   97-99.    109.    "9.    122,    127-129,    131, 

145-148,  152,  162,  163,  168. 

James,  William,  no. 

Jastrow,  Morris,  58. 

Jaxartes,  137. 

Jones,  Sir  John  Morris,  29. 

Jones,  Sir  William,  132. 

Joshua,  53. 

Jubain\dlle,  H.  Arbois  de,  169. 

Jura  mountains,  18. 

Jutland,  79,  80, 100, 127, 158, 159, 162, 164, 165. 

Kabyles,  29. 

Kaptara,  41,  42. 

Kassites,  74,  75,  127,  142,  157,  158. 

Keith,  Sir  Arthur,  66,  77,  loi. 

Kennet,  45. 

Khalepje,  72. 

Khasakhemui,  King,  40. 

Khatti,  76  ;  see  Hittites. 

Khorazan,  42. 

Kief,  64,  76. 

Kiepert,  149. 

Kimri,  162-165,  167-169. 

Kis-kOszey,  94. 

Klaproth,  J.  von,  133. 

Knutsford,  46. 

Koban  river,  67, 118-120, 129-131,  161, 162. 

Koban  people,  119,  121,  147,  162. 

Kopet  Dagh,  29. 

Koszylowsce,  65. 

Krensdorf,  119. 

Ku-Ki,  41,  42. 

Kimo-Meyer,  Prof.,  168. 


Kurgan-people,  67. 
Kursk,  68,  156. 

Lacouperie,  Terrien  de,  74. 

Lafaye  Bruniquel,  25. 

Laibach,  62,  76. 

Lake-dwellings,  37,  62,  81,  97,  125.  126,  130,  159, 

160,  164-166. 
Lake  Avemus,  162. 
Lake  Balaton,  95,  97  ;  see  Plattensee. 
Lake  Balkash,  138. 
Lake  Beshika,  62. 

Lake  Fucino,  95,  96,  128,  146,  151,  160. 
Lake  Neuchitel,  97. 
Lake  Ragunda,  171. 
Lake  Superior,  38. 

Lake  Trasimene,  94-96,  128,  131,  149-151,  160. 
La  Madeleine,  26,  27. 
Lane-Fox,  Col.  A.,  50. 
Laomedon,  in. 
La  T6ne,  165,  166. 
Latham,  Dr.  R.  G.,  138,  153. 
Latini,  148,  149. 
Latin  language,  15,  132,  145,  148,  151,  160.  163, 

164. 
Latin  peoples,  151,  160,  163. 
Latin  races,  132,  133. 
Latium,  148,  163. 
Laufen  retreat,  20. 
Laugerie  Basse,  24. 
Lautsch,  24. 
La  Vendue,  165. 

leaf-shaped  swords,  85,  86,  88,  90,  92,  100,  loi, 
103,  104,  106,  109,  III,  126,  128,  149,  151, 
153,  159. 

ditto    Type  A,  87,  89,  92.  94,  115-117.  I59- 

ditto    Type  B,  89,  93,  115-117,  128,  149,  159, 
165. 

ditto    Type  C,  89,  90,  93-95.  116.  128,  149. 

ditto    Type  D,  89,  90,  93-98, 103, 114, 117,  149. 

ditto    Type  E,  90,  95,  96,   98,   loi,  103,  116, 
117,  120. 

ditto    Typt  F,  90,  91,  97,  98, 116, 117, 121. 

ditto    Type  G,  87,90,91,98,  101-103,115-117, 
126, 152,  164. 
leaf-shaped  sword  people,  122,  146,  149-152. 
Leeds,  E.  Thurlow,  53,  77. 
Leicestershire,  46. 
Lemberg,  64. 

Le  Moustier  industry,  20,  21. 
Les  Eyzies,  21,  23. 
Levadia,  96. 
Levantine  trade,  43. 
Libya.  174. 
Libyans,  114. 

linguistic  palaeontology,  135,  138-140. 
Linz,  83,  95. 


INDEX 


197 


Lipari  islands,  34. 

Lissauer,  119. 

Liste,  151. 

Lithuanian  language,  157. 

Liverpool,  46,  55. 

Livy,  169. 

Llanarmon-dyffryn-Ceiriog,  45. 

Llyn  Fawr,  loi. 

Loire,  152,  164,  169. 

London,  51,  92,  164. 

Lot,  99. 

Loth,  J.,  80. 

Lucumons,  58. 

Luxor,  22. 

Lycophron,  162. 

Lydia,  73. 

Lynceus,  174. 

Lyons,  127. 

Macalister,  R.  A.  S.,  166. 

Macclesfield,  46. 

Macedonia,  114,  115,  160. 

Magdalenian  culture,  31. 

Magdalenian  period,  25,  27,  29,  34,  141,  143,  155, 

171. 
Maglemose,  31,  32. 
Magyarorozag,  95,  96. 
Maikop,  67. 

Malta,  35,  44,  48,  52,  54,  60,  78. 
Mannersdorf,  95. 
Marathon  bull,  106. 
Marius,  165. 
Marruvium,  151. 
Marsi,  148,  149. 
Marx,  Karl,  62. 
mastaba,  48,  54,  59. 
Mauer  sand-pit,  19. 
Mawddach,  46. 

Max-Miiller,  Prof.  F.,  133,  134,  138. 
McDougall,  W.,  155. 
Meare,  166. 
Mecklenburg,  94. 
Mediterranean  coast,  22,  51. 
Mediterranean  race,  28,  29,  33,  56,  69,  84,  108-110, 

112,  113,  135,  136,  154-156. 
Mediterranean  regions,  35,  42,  59,  85,  99, 107. 
Mediterranean  sea,  25,  35,  41,  42,  45,  60,  83,  108, 

127. 
megalithic  monuments,  48-52,  54,  56,  59,  60,  77, 

78. 
Melanesian  society,  176. 
Melos,  34,  40. 
Menelaus,  112. 
Mentone,  23,  25. 
Memeptah,  114. 
Memere,  39. 
Mersey,  46. 


Meryey,  114. 

Mesopotamia,  38,  59,  60,  73,  74,  85,  127,  142,  158, 

171,  172. 
metal,  discovery  of,  36. 
Meuse,  130,  165. 
Meyer,  Dr.  E.,  171. 
Midas,  158. 
Midi,  165. 

Midland  plain,  47,  161,  167. 
Mihovo,  95. 
Milpa  culture,  72. 
Minns,  E.,  72,  76. 
Minoan  age,  109,  iii. 
Minoan  culture,  100,  161. 
Minoan  period,  early,  65,  108. 
Minoan  period,  middle,  73,  108,  109. 
Minoan  period,  late,  108,  109,  114,  174. 
Minos,  174. 
Minutsinsk,  127. 
Mitanni,  75,  158. 
Mochlos,  108. 
Moguer,  55. 
Monaco,  Prince  of,  23. 
Mongoloid  race,  32,  33,  68,  126,  160. 
Mongols,  163. 
Monteracello,  44. 
Morava,  121,  159. 
Moravia,  119. 

Moravian  gate,  64,  120,  127,  129,  158,  161. 
Moray  Frith,  79. 

Morbihan,  bay  of,  43,  51,  165,  166. 
Morgan,  J.  de,  58. 
Morimarusam,  165. 
Morocco,  25. 
Moscow,  156. 
Moselle,  130,  165. 
Moslems,  37. 
Mosso,  A.,  65. 
Motril,  55. 
mountain  zone,  63,  64,  66,  77,  81,  82,  88,  98,  102, 

117,  125-128,  130,  131,  145,  146,  152,  159. 

161,  162,  164,  169. 
Mugem,  24,  25,  30. 
Muliana,  96. 
Mullerup,  31,  32. 
Munkacs,  95. 
Mur,  122. 
Mycenae,  96,  116. 
Mycenean  culture,  100,  129,  161. 
Myres,  Prof.  J.  L.,  68. 

Nagy-sap,  63. 
Naples,  58,  124. 
Narbonne,  51,  55. 
Naue,  Dr.  J.,  86,  93. 
Neanderthal  man,  20-22. 
Neleids,  174. 


198 


INDEX 


Neleus,  109. 

Neo-Celtic  tongues,  29. 

neolithic  age,  33-35,  52,  63,  102, 125, 136,  140-142, 

155,  171,  172. 
Nera,  151. 
Nestor,  106. 
Neuchatel,  62. 
Newberry,  Percy,  54. 
Newbury,  45,  65. 
Newquay,  55. 
Nile  valley,  22,  40,  48. 
Nordic  race,  57,  63,  64,  66,  70,  76-78,  81,  82,  85, 

88, 106, 107,  109, 111-114,  125-128,  134-137. 

140,  147,  153-156,  164. 
Nordman,  C.  A.,  32. 
Normandy,  134. 
Normandy,  Duke  of,  107. 
Normans,  107. 
Norsemen,  107. 
North  sea,  97. 
Noutonic,  119. 
Nubia,  39. 

Cannes,  60. 

Oban,  32. 

Obercassel  skulls,  25. 

Obermaier,  H.,  20. 

Obi,  72,  157. 

obsidian,  34,  35,  40,  41. 

Odessa,  64. 

Odin,  160. 

Ofnet,  24,  30,  61,  67. 

Old  England,  loi,  130. 

Old  World,  85. 

Ombri,  163. 

Ombrice,  122. 

Orchomenos,  96. 

Orestes,  175. 

Oreszka,  97. 

Orezi,  93. 

Oronsay,  32. 

Orsi,  P.,  54. 

Orviedo,  55. 

Orvieto,  95. 

Osco-Umbrian  language,  148,  152. 

Osiris,  38. 

Ossetes,  161. 

Oxus,  137. 

P-peoples,  16. 

Paeonia,  62,  160. 

palaeolithic  period,  lower,  19,  170. 

ditto    middle,  20,  170. 

ditto    upper,  25,  28,  33,  69,  141,  170. 
Palatine  hill,  122,  151,  163,  164. 
Palatium,  151,  163. 
Palestine,  59,  71. 


Pallantids,  106. 

Palmanova,  92. 

Paphlagonia,  118. 

Paris,  30,  99. 

Parret,  167. 

Patesi,  58. 

Pausanias,  173. 

pax  Rotnana,  169. 

Peak  district,  46. 

Peet,  Prof.  E.,  114,  128. 

Peisker,  T.,  72. 

Peleus,  106. 

Pelopids,  112,  175. 

Peloponnese,  105,  175. 

Pelops,  112. 

Pembrokeshire,  55. 

Pencaer,  55. 

Penck,  A.,  171. 

Penka,  K.,  131,  136,  137,  153. 

Pen-maen-mawr,  35. 

Pentheus,  175. 

Periphates,  106. 

Perry,  45. 

Perry,  W.,  49,  50,  52. 

Perseus,  106,  175. 

Persia,  39,  141. 

Persian  gulf,  42,  59,  60,  109. 

Persians,  133. 

Petrie,  Prof.  W.  M.  F.,  see  Flinders  Petrie. 

Petronell,  94. 

Pewsey,  vale  of,  164. 

Phoenicia,  174. 

Phoenicians,  52. 

Phoenix,  174. 

Phrygia,  73,  112. 

Phrygian  language,  147,  160. 

Phrygians,  113,  115,  129,  147,  158. 

Pictish  language,  17. 

PiStrement,  C.  A.,  138. 

Pillars  of  Hercules,  43. 

Piltdown  skull,  17,  20. 

Plynlimmon,  28. 

Plattensee,  95,  97  ;  see  Lake  Balaton. 

Pliny,  162. 

Po,  122,  131,  148,  163. 

Podhering,  95,  96, 

Podolia,  97, 100, 120,  129,  161. 

Poland,  31,  64. 

Poltava,  64. 

Polydorus,  175. 

Polynesia,  49. 

Polymela,  106. 

Polypoites,  106. 

Pomerania,  93. 

Pompeii,  58,  131,  164. 

Pontus,  118. 

Portugal,  25.  33.  53. 


INDEX 


199 


Poseidon,  106,  174. 

Posidonius,  162. 

Pott,  F.  A.,  137. 

Povegliano,  98. 

Predil  Pass,  122,  128,  131,  163. 

Priam,  105. 

Pripet  marshes,  64. 

prognathism,  23. 

prognathism,  alveolar,  24,  25,  28. 

Prospector  language,  60. 

Prospectors,  56-60,  79,  108-111, 114, 131, 176. 

Proto-Solutrean  stations,  26. 

Prussia,  93,  120. 

Pumpelly,  Raphael,  39,  71-73. 

Punjab,  137,  158. 

Pylos,  109,  174. 

Pyrenees,  15,  17,  25,  27,  28,  69,  78. 

Q-peoples,  16. 

race-making  period,  155. 

Rastall,  R.  H.,  37. 

Reading,  99,  130. 

Reatae,  151,  160,  163. 

Reche,  Dr.  O.,  78. 

red  ochre,  23,  67,  69,  74,  140. 

Regulini-Galassi  tomb,  57. 

Rhadamanthus,  174. 

Rhine,  15,  17,  63,  64,  76,  79,  97,   119,   126,   127, 

129,  161,  165,  166. 
Rhodesia,  21,  22. 

Rhone,  83,  99,  127,  152,  164,  165. 
Rhys,  Sir  John,  144-147,  152,  153,  162,  165. 
Richmond,  164. 

Ridgeway,  Sir  W.,  104-106,  112,  113,  147, 162, 174. 
Rima-Szombat,  95,  96. 
Ripley,  W.  Z.,  55,  62. 
Ripuarian  Franks,  176. 
Rivers,  Dr.  W.  H.  R.,  176. 
Riviera,  the,  24. 
Robenhausen,  63. 
RoUo,  107. 

Rome,  82,  95, 122, 131, 150, 151, 163. 
Roman  culture,  15. 
Roman  Empire,  107. 
Romans,  40,  168. 
Rose,  Prof.  H.  J.,  173. 
Rostovtzeff,  M.  M.,  67,  119,  162. 
Rostro-carinate  implements,  19. 
Roumania,  64. 
Roumanian  plain,  64. 
Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  132. 
Ruggeri,  Prof,  V.  Giuffrida,  28. 
rudemadln,  119. 
Russia,  26,  31,  62,  64,  69,  72,  76,  81,  97,  107,  120, 

126,  139,  140,  142,  153-155. 158. 159. 164. 
Russo-Turkestan  steppe,  141. 


Sabine  language,  149. 

Sabine  region,  149-151. 

Sabines,  163,  164. 

Sabini,  149,  151,  152. 

Saint  Barthelma,  95. 

Saint  Brieuc,  55. 

Saint  Germain-en-Laye,  97,  98. 

Saint  Kanzian,  95. 

Saint  Margaret's  Isle,  94. 

Sajo-Gomor,  94,  95. 

Salerno,  55. 

Salic  Franks,  176. 

Salisbury  plain,  51. 

Salonika,  62. 

Salto,  151. 

Salza-Bach,  97. 

Sangarius,  73. 

Sanskrit  language,  132,  133,  137. 

Santa  Lucia  Tolmino,  122,  131. 

Santorin,  34,  35. 

Saone,  99. 

Sarawak,  Raja  of,  107. 

Sardinia,  28,  52,  114. 

Sardis,  163. 

Sargon  of  Akkad,  41,  42. 

Sarpedon,  174. 

.Save,  121, 122, 128, 130, 159, 163. 

Savoy,  62,  164. 

Saxons,  37,  168. 

Sayce,  Prof.  A.  H.,  41,  42,  158. 

Scandinavia,  52,  99,  116,  125,  131. 

Scandinavian  ice,  171. 

Scandinavian  legend    160. 

Schatze,  97. 

Schleswig-Holstein,  88,  93,  94,  97,  99,  128,  159, 

164. 
Schliemann,  H.,  43,  96. 
Schrader,  Dr.  O.,  139-141,  i53- 
Sciron,  106. 

Scotland,  15, 17,  28,  30,  32,  46,  79,  98, 144. 
Scurgola,  44. 
Scythians,  162. 

Seine,  99,  125,  130,  131,  147,  152,  154,  164,  168. 
Seistan,  59. 

Seligman,  Dr.  C.  G.,  22. 
Selve,  93. 
Semele,  175. 
Sequana,  152. 
Sequani,  152,  164. 
Serbia,  64,  163. 
Sergi,  Dr.  G.,  68,  155,  156. 
Seti  II.,  96,  114,  115. 
Severn,  45,  129,  161. 
Shalmaneser,  I,  117. 
Shawiya,  29. 
Shekelesh,  114. 
Sherden,  114. 


200 


INDEX 


Shrewsbury,  45. 

Shropshire,  45. 

Siberia,  27,  33,  157. 

Sicily,  35,  44,  60,  78, 107, 114. 

Siculi,  150. 

Siebenburgen,  97. 

Sigmaringen,  99,  130,  163. 

Sigovesus,  169. 

Silesia,  78,  79,  127. 

Sinaitic  peninsula,  22,  36. 

Sinis,  106. 

Siret,  43. 

Slavs,  122,  123. 

Smid,  Dr.  W.,  94. 

Sollas,  Prof.  W.  J.,  171. 

Solutrd,  24. 

Solutr^  culture,  27. 

Solutr^  people,  26,  69,  157. 

Solutr^  period,  25,  26,  140,  155. 

Somogy,  93. 

Souja,  68,  156. 

Southampton,  45. 

South  Lodge  Camp,  141. 

Spain,  15,  17,  25,  27.  29,  41-44,  54,  60,  62,  77-79, 

82,  127. 
Sparta,  169. 
Spercheus,  160. 
Splieth,  W.,  93,  94. 
St.  Acheul  implements,  19. 
Stein,  Sir  Aurel,  71. 
steppes,  64,  67-69,  71-74,  76,  81,  82,  117,  126,  138- 

142,  153-157.  159.  161,  169. 
steppe  conditions,  26,  69. 
Steppe-folk,   67,  69,  71-77,  79,  82,  83,  88,  loi,  106, 

119, 120,  126-128,  139-141,  143,  155- 
Sterjna,  Dr.  Knut,  51. 
Strabo,  15. 

Straits  of  Bab-el-Mandeb,  22. 
Styria,  95,  97,  122,  130. 
Sulmona,  95,  149. 
Sumer,  58,  59. 
Sumerian  language,  60. 
Sumerians,  58,  59,  108. 
Susa,  58,  73. 
Svserdborg,  31,  32. 
Sweden,  26,  51,  54,  164. 
Swedes,  156. 
Swiss  lake-dwellings,  30,  76,  loi,  125,  127,  145, 

146, 152. 
Switzerland,  30,  62,  64,  83,    98,    119,    126,    141, 

164. 
Syracuse,  52-54. 
Syria,  38,  42,  49,  55,  59. 
Szombathy,  J.,  95. 

Tacitus,  136. 
Tagus,  30,  53. 


Tantalus,  112, 

Taranto,  52,  55,  78,  122,  131. 

Tarentum,  52,  163. 

Tardenoisian  culture,  28. 

Tatars,  72. 

Taurus  Mountains,  40. 

Tehenu,  114. 

Teleboeans,  106. 

Telephassa,  174. 

Tell-el-'Obeid,  39. 

Tell  Firaim,  96. 

Teresh,  114. 

Tern,  45. 

Terramara-folk,  122,  131,  163. 

terramare,  122,  131,  163. 

Teutonic  languages,  132,  157,  160. 

Teutonic  tribes,  15. 

Teutons,  132,  133,  165. 

Thames,  45,  96-99,  129,  130,  164, 167. 

Thatcham,  32. 

Thebes,  174. 

Thersites,  113. 

Theseus,  io6. 

Thessaly,  64,  73,  75,  121,  127,  129,  158,  160. 

Thor,  160. 

Thrace,  64,  68,  73, 113, 114, 121, 127, 129, 147, 158, 

160,  163. 
Thracians,  112,  113,  161,  175. 
Thraco-Phrygian  language,  147,  148,  159. 
Thraco-Phrygians,  114,  115. 
Tiber,  128,  149,  151,  163. 
Tigris,  42,  74. 
Tiryns,  97. 

tin,  41,  42,  44,  47,  49,  50,  59,  60. 
tin-land,  41,  42  ;    see  Ku-Ki. 
Tobolsk,  68,  75,  157. 
Tocharian  language,  144. 
T6k&,  119. 

Tomaschek,  Dr.  W.,  147. 
Tonunassin,  92. 

Transylvania,  40, 65,  82, 121, 129. 
Trebizonde,  42. 
Trento,  128. 
Treviso,  93,  159. 
Trieste,  95,  122. 

Tripolje  culture,  64-66,  72-74,  77,  127,  158. 
Tripolje  people,  73,  77,  78,  80,  82,  126, 142,  156. 
Tripolje  region,  73,  75,  79,  127,  139,  157. 
Trojan  war,  105,  106. 
Troy,  III. 
Truentus,  160. 
Tsountas,  96. 
Tuaregs,  29. 
Tubino,  62. 
Turkestan,  26,  39.  67,  69,  71-73, 127, 142,  154,  158, 

159- 
Tuscany,  58,  131 ;  see  Etruna. 


INDEX 


201 


Tyndareus,  175. 

Tyrsenians,  114  ;  see  Etruscans. 

Udine,  92. 

Ukraine,  74,  77,  80. 

Ulm,  99,  130,  163. 

Umbria,  148. 

Umbrian  dialects,  151,  164. 

Umbrians,  163. 

Upper  sea,  41. 

Ur,  39. 

Ural  Mountains,  138,  142. 

Ure,  Prof.  P.  N.,  109,  no. 

Ur,  Nina,  39. 

Ust  Urt  desert,  141,  142. 

Utrecht,  79. 

Vannes,  156. 

Vardar,  121,  129,  160,  163. 

Vedic  hymns,  137,  158. 

Vedic  Indians,  133,  137. 

Velino,  128,  131,  151,  160. 

Veneti,  163, 166. 

Veneto,  122,  128,  159. 

Venetian  language,  159. 

Venice,  56,  93. 

Verona,  98. 

Versecz,  119. 

Via  Salaria,  128. 

Vienna,  92-94,  122. 

Vikings,  33,  113,  134. 

Villa-nova  culture,  57,  123,  131,  147,  152. 

Villa-nova  people,  57,  58,  131,  149,  162. 

Visigoths,  82. 

Volga,  68,  126,  154,  159. 

Wace,  Dr.  A.  J.  B.,  105,  107,  147. 
Wadi  Foakhir,  39. 


Wales,  15,  17,  28,  30,  32,  33,  47,  51,  55,  79,  97, 

129, 130, 144, 161, 162, 164, 167, 168. 
Warrington,  46,  51. 
Wash,  the,  164. 
Wells.  H.  G.,  no. 
Welsh  language,  29. 
Weser,  79,  127. 
Wessex,  102,  129,  161,  164. 
West  Highlands,  17. 
Wicklow  Hills,  44,  55. 
Wilburton,  97,  116. 
Wiltshire,  51,  102,  130. 
Wimpasting,  95. 
Winchester,  45. 
Winklam,  94. 
Winwick,  46. 

Wiro,  Wiros,  133-137.  139-144-  146,  I47.  I53-I59' 

161,  165,  168. 
Wiro  language,  145-147,  153,  164,  167. 
Wodnian,  97. 
WoUersdorf,  95,  97. 
Worcester,  45. 

Wiirm  glaciation,  20,  22,  168,  171. 
Wurtemberg,  119. 

Yenesei  River,  75,  127. 
Yeshil  Irmak,  118. 
Yortan,  73. 

Zaborowski,  M.,  76. 
Zag-a-zig,  96. 
Zavad3mtse,  97,  120. 
Zealand,  31. 
Zemplen,  97. 
Zend,  137. 
Zeus,  113,  174. 
Zimmer,  H.,  168. 
Zuojuica,  97. 


PRINTED   IN'   GREAT   BRITAIN   BY  HEADLEY   BROTHERS, 
iS,  DEVONSHIRE  STREET,  E.C.2  ;  AMD  ASHFORD,  KE.VT. 


PLATES 


PLATE  I. 
AXES  FROM  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  AND  WEST  EUROPE. 


1  Cyprus. 

2  C)^IUS. 

3  Cypras. 

4  Cyprus ;  Dati. 

5  Cyprus;  Nicosia. 

6  Cyprus. 

7  Greece  ;   Eubcea. 

8  Greece ;    Peloponnesus. 


lO 

II 

12 

13 
14 
15 
i6 

17 
i8 

19 

20 
21 

22 

23 
24 

25 
26 
27 


Spain 
Spain 
Malta 
Malta 
Malta 
Spain 
Spain 
Spain 
Spain 
England 

Wight. 
England  ; 
England  ; 
England  ; 
England  ; 


site  unknown. 
El  Argar.     Siret  21. 
Hal-Tarxien. 
Hal-Tarxien. 
Hal-Tarxien. 
El  Argar.     Siret  276. 
El  Argar.     Siret  605. 
El  Argar.     Siret  26. 
El  Argar.     Siret  816. 
Arreton    Dovm,     Isle 


of 


Aldershot,  Hants. 

Battlefield,  Shropshire. 

Yorkshire.   Site  unknown. 

Beckhampton,  Wilts. 
England  ;  Grappenhall,  Cheshire. 
England  ;   Fordham,  Cambridgeshire. 
England  ;  Banner  Down,  near  Bath. 
England ;  Fordham,  Cambridgeshire. 


Pitt-Rivers    Museum,     Oxford.     1440.     Cesnola 

Collection. 
Pitt-Rivers  Museum,  Oxford.     J.  W.  Flower. 
Pitt-Rivers    Museum,    Oxford.     1440.    Cesnola 

Collection. 
City  Art  Gallery,  Leeds.     John  Holmes  Collection. 
Ashmolean  Museiam,  Oxford. 
Pitt-Rivers    Museum,     Oxford.     1440.     Cesnola 

Collection. 
British  School  of  Archaeology,  Athens.     Finlay 

Collection,  25. 
British  School  of  Archaeology,  Athens.     Finlay 

Collection,  538. 
Collection  of  Capt.  J.  H.  Ball. 
Ashmolean  Museimi,  Oxford.     P.R.  200. 
Valetta  Museum. 
Valetta  Museum. 
Valetta  Museum. 

Ashmolean  Museum,  Oxford.  P.R.  202. 
Ashmolean  Museum,  Oxford.  P.R.  199. 
Ashmolean  Museum,  Oxford.  P.R.  201. 
Ashmolean  Museum,  Oxford.     P.R.  198. 

Carisbrooke  Museum. 

Collection  of  Capt.  J.  H.  Ball. 

Shrewsbury  Museum. 

Private  Collection. 

Devizes  Museum. 

Warrington  Museum. 

Museum  of  Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  Cambridge. 

Literary  and  Scientific  Institute,  Bath. 

Museum  of  Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  Cambridge. 


PLATE  II. 


DAGGERS  FROM  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  AND  WEST  EUROPE. 


1  Crete. 

2  Crete. 

3  Crete ;    Gouinia. 

4.     Malta ;    Hal-Tarxien. 

5  Malta ;    Hal-Tarxien. 

6  Sicily ;    Monteracello. 

B.P.  XXIV.,  xxii.  7. 

8  England  ;    Throwley,  Stafford- 

shire. 

9  Ireland  ;    Shannon, 

Co.  Limerick. 

10  England  ;    exact  site  unknown. 

11  Ireland  ;    site  unknown. 

12  Ireland  ;    site  unknown. 

13  England  ;    Fairoak,  near 

Hereford. 

14  Ireland  ;    site  unknown. 

15  England  ;    Isleworth,  Middlesex. 

From  the  Thames  at  Sion 
reach. 

16  England  ;    Bottisham  lode, 

Cambridgeshire. 

17  England ;    Hammersmith, 

Middlesex.  From  the  Thames. 


Candia  Museum. 

Candia  Museum. 

Boyd  &  Hawes  (1912)  iv.  51 

Valetta  Musevmi. 

Valetta  Museum. 

Syracuse  Museum. 

Sheffield  Museimi.     Bateman  Collection. 

J-  93-  450. 
Glastonbury  Museum.     Braxton  Collection  359, 

Public  Library,  Brentford. 
Private  Collection. 
Municipal  Musetun,  Plymouth. 
Hereford  Museum. 

Museum  of  the  Leeds  Literary  and  Philosophical 

Society. 
Guildhall  Museum,  London. 


Museum  of  Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  Cam- 
bridge. 
The  London  Museum. 


itiutt:    K    A.  H*atU  «  I  . 


PLATE  III. 


AN  ETRUSCAN  PROSPECTOR. 

From  the  lid  of  a  coffin  in  the  British  Museum. 
By  kind  permission  of  the  Trustees. 


-^^^^MBENT     M^.^.'^.'^^^^^GU 


LE     PI 


gore; 


TWrv 


[Hhoto:    W.A.  Manstll  &  Co. 


.VI  3TAJq 


1 

\ 


iiv/on^no  qfrieiatry/O 

rvfion-Ani)  qirfnanwO 

rrwonjln/i  qid<f»itwO 

.awoo^nii  qidaisnwO 


'..sd  .XI  (ipBi)  9trgoIr>tfi  ; 


,£d  .XI  (igSi)  3u§oiBJr.3 

.8g  .XI  (iq8iJ  du^jobdcD 

.id  .XI  (i^i)  sugolfiJeC) 

.i>ini;vJYaiiBiT       3 
.od  .XI  (ip8i)  arr^pLuJfiO 


PLATE  IV. 


FIVE  HUNGARIAN  DAGGERS. 


A       Komoron,  Hungary. 

Catalogue  (1891)  IX.  62. 
B       Komoron,  Hungary. 

Catalogue  (1891)  IX.  62. 
C      Szony,  Hungary. 

Catalogue  (1891)  IX.  58. 
D      Kassa,  Hungary. 

Catalogue  (1891)  IX.  61. 
E      Transylvania. 

Catalogue  (1891)  IX.  60. 


Ownership  unknown. 
Ownership  unknown. 
Ownership  unknown. 
Ownership  unknown. 
Ownership  unknown. 


v  :^TAja„^ 


^^ 


Y 


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nwon^tr 


fjp.  .i;. 


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J.    il-rtA 


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C     .&  .vxxxr^d8&jt)  l^mfiH 


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B 


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Scale  • 


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■  I... .-I 


PLATE  V. 


SIX  LARGER  DAGGERS. 


6 


D 


Austria,  Langen  Wand. 

Naue  (1903)  xix.  2. 
Germany ;   site  unknown. 

Montelius  (1900)  xxxi.  75. 

Bastian  &  Voss,  xiii.  i. 
Denmark  ;    Island  of  Lolland. 

MuUer,  Ordnugn,  &c.,  xi.  157. 
Italy  ;  Cascina  Ranza,  near  Milan. 


E      Hungary  ;    site  unknown. 

Hampel  (1886)  xix.  6. 
F      Hungary  ;    site  unknown. 

Hampel  (1886)  Ixxxv.  2. 


Ownership  unknown. 

Imperial  Museum,  Berlin. 
Naue  (1903)  xix.  3. 

Ownership  unknown. 

Naue  (1903)  xix.  4. 
Brera  Museiun,  Milan. 

Montelius  (1895-1904).     I.B.; 
Antiquaries'  Museum,  Zurich. 

Fehr  Collection. 
Arch.  Ertesito,  xii.  292. 
Antiquaries'  Museum,  Zurich. 

Fehr  Collection. 
Arch.  Ertesito  xii.  290. 


xxvin.  2. 


Scale. 

0         1          2         3        4  5         6in. 

I    I'l    I    l'    I    I'l    I    l'   I  I  'l    I     ' 

0                   5                   10  15cm. 


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(fOQi)    ouiiVi    .Jaal-Bbifti    .flnuaeuM    lenohtiiiH 


\b\ 


i£i\£88i     .taal-^biia  jiiuaaul^  ^notJii^T 


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.0  .vix 


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.(0881    z\Si 
.1  .y.  (fiCHJi) 

!;•;■;  ">  l[  -Ail    -al^U-.^lM 

.iduHRQ  arb  moil 
,V_n9nn6s«6c(-ubiBH     .vifignifB      <l 
,'^£M  bnuo'd    .oD  nbiiiH 
.3  aqvT  io  biowa  rijiw  .li?.!'! 

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.01  .xix  (8<)8i^  rrajbii?. 


•-<i«*H*' 


■   ..r'i*    '"^ 


PLATE  VI. 


THE  SEVEN  TYPES  OF  LEAF-SHAPED  SWORDS. 


B 


C. 


D 


E 
F 


Hungary,  site  unknown.  Hampel 

(1886)  XX.  4. 

Denmark,  Norderhaide  in  the  Isle 
of  Sylt.  Handelmann,  Aus- 
grabungen  auf  Sylt  (1873, 
1875,  1880),  fig.  4.  Naue 
(1903)  X.   I. 

Hungary,    Buda-Pest.  St. 

Margaret's   Isle.        Dredged 
from  the  Danube. 

Hungary,     Hajdu-b6sz6rmeny, 
Hajdu  Co.     Found   May, 
1858,  with  sword  of  Type  C. 

Hungary,  Magyarorszaz. 

Switzerland,  Morges.  D^chelette 
(1908-14)  ii.  Fig.  64  (2). 

Austria,  Hallstatt.  Grave  299. 
Sacken  (1868)  xix.  10. 


National    Museum,    Buda-Pest.     Naue    (1903) 

ix.  3. 
Museum  of  National  Antiquities,|Kiel. 


National  Museum,  Buda-Pest.     Hampel  (1886),. 
cxcvii.  6. 

National  Museum,  Buda-Pest.     1883/131. 


National  Museum,  Buda-Pest. 

Lausanne    Museum.    Album    Mus6e    Lausanne,. 

xiv.  9. 
Natural  History  Museum,  Vienna.     24,609. 


.HV  aiAJ4 


DMIJH 


If  .*i. 


,j  .HSDfJdd  TsJaoH  j;3 


.awofulnto  qillerinwO 
.d(}.i    --    -'    '-    '-yr:. 


.mii 


f    .XX 

.  rrworalnu  ^tiz  . 


bib    I  moil     bagtoTa        .^iiBanifljt 
,;   'l-Bbi/d     is9n     aduacCI  ' 

,?f  .iiiv    .(1981)   9U§o!g}/;3 
.owoHjlru/    -jlh  ^liaJaloH-yiwealf!;^. 

.fllraol  c  moi!^ 
XBWi    ,£bsi)e:    jb    anoiJaED    .^Ittl 
j(si^l)  .iivxxx  3.9     .anib'J 

zvihinoV.         .aaivoif  xsan   .'{Ijiii 
.p^<;  .a. I  fti00i-?o?i) 


PLATE  VII. 


SWORDS  OF  TYPE  A,  FROM  HUNGARY. 


1  Hungary,  site  unknown. 

(1886)  XX.   4. 

2  Hungary,  site  vinknown. 


Hampel        National  Museum,  Buda-pest.  Naue  (1903)  ix.  3. 


Hungary.        Dredged     from     the 

Danube      near     Buda-Pest. 

Catalogue   (1891),   viii.  45. 
Schleswig-Holstein,   site   imknown. 

From  a  tomb. 
Italy,    Castions    di    Strada,    near 

Udine.     B.P.  xxxvii.  (1912), 

33- 
Italy,   near  Treviso.         Montelius 
(1895-1904)  LB.  39. 


University  Museum  of  Archaeology  and  Ethnology, 

Cambridge.     Foster  bequest. 
Ownership  unknown. 


Ownership  unknown. 
Splieth  (1900)  i.9b. 
Archaeological  Museum,  Cividale. 


Treviso  Museum. 


k 


_mvLJ2i:AJ5_ 


M 


Ac 


\ 


{IPqIl)    sue'/.     ijte&  I-fibufl 


(i98i)j,oiJT|pL6j£0 
(d88i)i:  la^inBH 

;i  '  '' 


£  .ix  (£cbi)bofi>!    .(Tvi/iiiilrin  qirfnarwK) 

>.  .iiiv  :  j- 
^utiV[      ii^-BbuH  '':    LsnoHivJ 

\\\  :.:nbf  ■ ; 

.(d)!  i£i  £88i   "^ij-sq-Bbua  jiriiioM  Unoii^lp 


ii8ij£    .Bnn^iV  .niu^ 


H  iKiui^g 


■■•¥ 


t  II 


(ip8i)'  5U#>l£tBD 

.^duniQ  4fiJ  moil   ? 
.d  .ihfD^^D  (d88i) 

diJw    |8e8sl    .ysM    i; 

.o3  sxtifiBiH  (finiih 


'  i 

li-./i.-lT/lf 

1 

f 

■ll^x 

u-o(bP.  I 

^i 

I 


y^  »i 


11     ,t 


I 


V 


PLATE  VIII. 


SWORDS  OF  TYPE  C,  FROM  HUNGARY. 


Site  unknown. 

vii.  42. 
Site    unknown. 

XX.  7. 
Sajo-G6m6r. 

XV.  3. 
Site  unknown. 

vii.  43. 
Buda-Pest,     St 


Catalogue  (1891) 
Hampel  (1886) 
Hampel     (1886) 

Catalogue  (1891) 


Margaret's     Isle. 

Dredged  from   the  Danube. 

Hampel   (1886)  cxcvii.  6. 
Hajdu-b6szorm6ny,       Hajdu      Co. 

found   in   May,    1858,    with 

three  others  of  Type  D. 
Kis-Koszey  (Battina)  Baranza  Co. 


Ownership  unknown.    Naue  (1903)  xi.  3. 

National    Museum,    Buda-Pest.     Naue    (1903) 

viii.  8. 
National   Museum,    Buda-Pest.       Naue    (1903) 

viii.  3. 
Ownership  imknown.     Naue  (1903)  VIII.  6. 

National  Museum,  Buda-Pest. 


National  Museum,  Buda-Pest.     1883  131  (6). 


Natural  History  Museum,  Vienna.     3781 1. 


\^ 


M 


0        1 


4 

Scale. 

2        3        4        5        6in. 


I  'I  I  r  I  I 


I  I  i'  I  I  'i  I  i' 


10 


15cm. 


.XI  3TAJq 


"^-tT 


Ci^ 


fO        C\ 


n 


il  j^^YHAOvqjjH'iioHq  .c  pqrr  m  78 


/f 


i   \ 


XX  (d88i)  IkpttfiH     .nv^ffiJftt;  qidsisniffp     I  (198;  ibO       JowoiuJau  9li8 

£\^d8i  j. '.l8>^-Bboa  ,inu'«tJM  lEnoijteVI  :  j   fanuoi  lk»r>  lOrnftO  ,t*draos8-£ni£5I  j 
!  ,  j    .a     V  ■   ''         riowe     s    AYrt),  j 

.  (d88i)  {SqmfiH-  i 

\  .0  aqxt 


.££\888i 

.lEi\E88|j,: 

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1!  Il 


'!i  II! 


^/ 


\y 


'J  I  *-  ^  "^  ^ 

^  I'i'i  I  i  I  I '1  I  ^  <  >*t 


10 


PLATE  IX. 


3 
4 
5 
6 

7 


Site  unknown.       Catalogue  (1891) 

viii.  44.    Naue  (1903)  viii.  7. 
Rima-Szombat,  G6m6r  Co.,  found 

with     2    swords    Type    E. 

Hampel  (1886)  cxiii. 
Endrod,  B^k&  Co. 
Magyarorszaz,  with  four  others. 
Hajdu-b6sz6rmtey,  Hajdu  Co,  found  \ 

in  May,  1858,  with  a  sword  of  J> 

Type  C. 


SWORDS  OF  TYPE  D,  FROM  HUNGARY.'^ 

Ownership  unknown.     Hampel  (1886)  xx.  8. 

National  Museum,  Buda-Pest.     1867/3. 


National  Museum,  Buda-Pest.     1888/33. 
National  Museum,  Buda-Pest. 

National  Museum,  Buda-Pest,  1883/131. 


O         I 
0 


Scale, 
z        3        4 

1  <  I   I'l  I   i'  . 
S  10 


IS  cm 


-»•.! 


f^- 


.X  HTA-M 


.m/ 


!     I 


19^9 


J   j!    I  .Jeaq-d- 


j/.o>ii  .4  JiT/T  ^o  cia>iov;d 


7/0 


.rrffoinlnu  qirlsianwO 
.veeiBisc  •iiiioiii/.  uauoj  lo  noiiDsIloO 


i  <  '  "^'t)  bqmiiH 

{l(j8i)  su^goifiJK^J     .iTWtinjIfio  aiVri 

.s.  j;i  (tOQi)  3jjjbv4     4  .iiv 
.o'J     u&iJ^     ,'^n?)iim6s?.ad-nbi£H 

.:.    /./  (')'r;i)  bqinijH 
hqrnjjH        .oJ  n'^IqntaS  ,£}Js<nO 
.£  bn£  1  .zz  (t)88i) 


1^ 

£ 


PLATE  X. 


SWORDS  OF  TYPE  E.  FROM  HUNGARY. 


Podhering,  Bereg  Co. 
Hampel  (1886)  xc. 

Magyarorszaz. 

Site  unknown.     Catalogue  (1891) 

vii.  4.      Naue  (1903)  ix.  2. 
Hajdu-bosz6rmeny,     Hajdu     Co. 

from  the  Schatze. 

Hampel  (1886)  xx.  2. 
Oreszka,  Zempl^n  Co.       Hampel 

(1886)  xx.  I  and  3. 


National  Museum,  Buda-Pest. 
Arch.  Ertesito  XIV.  xxvi.  229-230. 

National  Museum,  Buda-Pest. 
Ownership  unknown.     Formerly  in  Pfeffer 
collection. 

Ownership  unknown. 

Naue  (1903)  ix.  i. 

Collection  of  Coimt  Antoine  Sztkray. 


* 


IX  3TAJ1 


V 


/> 


il 


n 


/ 


dl(  HTTT  lO  aWHOWa  j'      j| 
iV  .rauMiiM  '/iiolaiH  bniWBWi       .dsi  !»ysiil 

I     il 


■V  .miraaUM  ^ftpJaiH  Isii^Bl^! 
.QS^    .raif92uM  ilasdflJ . 

.aildiKI  .miiseuM  Leq^i^s^ 


musaoM   zioigi 


.xi  (qpQi) Ijdl9tlq8   jj.:3JD3d()J 

!  ji  J  'f^^ 

.bliV '       .lWott)Jnu|l  sJr-^ '  ■,bnid9il 
j.s  .olt  .pif,  ..{MlriA  i^c'J 

ilood^uJ         .t^      ii    .vrafiU 

ij      i<     .p.i  M  (eSsi) 

fily5f|  BqdiH    ,bnBft/>!  j|bafiIniH 
(oo^|0       jjarioibdoWoeajfioV 


) 


v-\ 


i\\ 


txx 


I 

t 

i     t    I 

e 

d 


1 

6 


w 
7 


■y 


w^ 


z       9       • 


PLATE  XI. 


SWORDS  OF  TYPE  G. 


Austria,  Hallstatt. 

Sacken  (1868). 
Austria,  Hallstatt. 

Sacken  (1868). 
Schleswig-Holstein , 


Grave  126. 

Grave  299. 

Siems  near 
Liibeck.  Splieth  (1900)  ix. 
171. 

4  France,  Var,  Flayosc. 

5  Ireland,  site  unknown.        Wild, 

Cat.  Antiq.,  319,  No.  2. 

6  Sweden,    Nilsson,    Skand    Nord. 

Ur-inv.     i.     7.        Lubbock 
(1865)  fig.  15. 

7  Finland,    Nyland,    Haapa    Kyla 

Heath.  Crawford  (1921)  136. 
Vorgeschichtliche  (1900) 

xxxii.  4. 


Natural  History  Museum,  Vienna.  24091. 
Natural  History  Museum,  Vienna.  24609. 
Liibeck  Museum.     729. 


Antiquarian  Museum,  Marseilles. 
National  Museum,  Dublin. 


Helsingfors   Museum. 


Scale 

2         3        •*         S 


1    I  '  r    I    t   I    r 


6  m. 
N  I  'i  I   i' 
K)  15  cm. 


.IIX  3TA.iq 


"XK 


- 

! 
tuT.Ll    .B  • 


•  .aaMAJi  H33H0  MOH'-I  SaHOWg 


i         I 


.id    q 

I  A 


nnjRcnailfloR     /xna'jyM    :  9:)b9i0 

I 

.ffi  .q  ,is<:  .oK  (8^81) 

.acJmjoaT        .^.n'^ovM    :  ^oboiO 

e 

.gs  (rpBi)  .A  .3 

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1 

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f 

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ahtaq 

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^ 

.c  .iixxx  ('^loi) 

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.^.tLxxx(\iei) 

8 

.^nyiiT  ;  aooaii) 

e 

^(T^iT  :  aoaafiO 

01 

.ii//<.iiyi!iij    9Ji2     :  ainq'{D 

II 

PLATE  XII. 


SWORDS  FROM  GREEK  LANDS. 


3 

4 
5 
6 


9 

10 

II 


Greece :  Mycenae.  Schliemann 
(1878)  No.  221,  p.  144. 

Greece  :  Mycenae.  Tsountas, 
E.  A.  (1891)  25. 

Greece  :   Levadeia. 

Crete  :  Muliana.     Grave  B. 

Crete  :   Muliana.     Grave  B. 

Egypt  :   Zagazig.     Petrie  (1917) 


Athens  Museum.    No.  1017. 

Athens  Museum.     No.  2539. 

Athens  Museum.     No.  8017. 

'E<l>.  'Apx.     (1904)     PI-  "•  P-  44- 

■E<t.  'Apx-     (1904)     PI-  II-  P-  44- 

Berlin  Museum.     No.  20447.     Feet  (1911.  2)  283. 


xxxii.  6.      Z.f.^.S.      L.Taf. 

V.  p.  61. 
Egypt ;   site  unknowTi.      Petrie        Berlin  Museum.     Z.f.^.S.     L.Taf.  v.  p.  61. 

(1917)  xxxii.  5. 
Egypt :    Tell  Firaun.        Petrie 

(1917)  xxxii.  7. 
Greece  :  Tiryns. 
Greece  :   Tiryns. 
Cyprus  :     site   unknown. 


Berlin    Museum.     No.    20305.     Z.f.^.S.     L.Taf. 

p.  61. 
Athens  Museum.     No.  6228. 
Athens  Museum.     No.  6228. 
Coll.  Professor  P.  Geddes. 


iiTX  aiAjq 


x-r 


ii\   ,3  b  tadaaqqt.  1  '  noy   sn 


/I ATI  yiOH'i  SGHOW^ 


i£  .iix  ,3-9    hivQ'r 


^  ihoDfiA,0ifiolittt/i  .M  1  o  toi  Ids  U  a  >^}  is  vJi^fmoT 

'■  1   iTf  1  i 

'      11       i  'm    '!     'I     1  i 

i!  I  ipii  ii  II  jli 


in'.,. 


-pphi)  eifilsinoM    .onaofl  ilqoeA       i 

.1j:i  .fl  .ii  .11  (fopi 
(fOQi)  aijfiVI  .903fnieinT  9)}bJ  s 
-c()8i)  aoil'jJaoM  4  .iiy 
dsi  .a  .ii  .II  (^OQi 
no  ,oJ'jai8!»CTl  te  aj^brid  arii  )A.  {; 
.nnfiiilD  ariJ  lo  ?.>In£d  sift 
.li  .11  (fopi-gQ8i)  aoJbtnoM 

.dsi  .a 

(ZOQi)  9»bV;      .909fntei;iT  sjIbJ      ^ 
{^o^i-^j^l)  auilsinnM    .f,  .ijv 
.dsi  .a  .i'i  .11 
(£Opi)  subV      .ensm'tpsiT  stLbJ      f 

.s  .iiv 
-01*1  .sUuoiH  ab  .aioa  .BmnaiA      d 
auiiaJnoM     .olsiviO  lo  ajnry 
.dsi  .a  .ii  .11  (j.opi-eQ8r) 
.g  .iiv  (f,opi)  9tf£M    .'jinoM      r 
aoiiaJnoM      .o/iirju'-I  3>Ik,1  ib£>V1      8 

.Sfi  .a    li   II  (^o<ii-c(?'^i) 
aoibtnoM     .otiian'?   ^mIrJ   iBi)'A       p 

.£{11  .n  .ii  .J  I  (fOt)I-£()8l) 
^uibinoM       .oniiit'-l  9j(r..I  tb'j/.       01 
.s-^ii  .a    ii  .11  (^o^i-gp&l) 
.1  .iiv  (£Opi)  sujbX     .Baoifdiie'.       ji 

3UbH       .nwonsiiuF  oJia  ,^rlw^      si 
.d  .iiv  (£091) 


s 


PLATE  XIII. 


SWORDS  FROM  ITALY. 


lO 


II 


12 


Ascoli  Piceno.    Montelius  (1895- 

1904)  II.  ii.  B.  131. 
Lake  Trasimene.      Naue  (1903) 

vii.      4.      Montelius     (1895- 

1904)  II.  ii.  B.  126. 
At  the  bridge  of  Fras.sineto,  on 

the    banks    of    the    Chiana. 

Montelius  (1895-1904)  II.  ii. 

B.  126. 
Lake  Tiasimene.      Naue  (1903) 

vii.  3.    Montelius  (1895-1904) 

II.  ii.  B.  126. 
Lake  Trasimene.      Naue  (1903) 

vii.  2. 
Alerona,  com.  de  Ficulle,  Pro- 
vince of  Orvieto.     Montelius 

(1895-1904)  II.  ii.  B.  126. 
Rome.     Naue  (1903)  vii.  5. 
Near  Lake  Fucino.      Montelius 

(1895-1904)  II.  ii.  B.  142. 
Near   Lake   Fucino.     Montelius 

(1895-1904)  II.  ii.  B.  142. 
Near  Lake  Fucino.      Montelius 

(1895-1904)  II.  ii.  B.  142. 
Sulmona.     Naue  (1903)  vii.  i. 


Apulia,  site  unknown. 
(1903)  vii.  6. 


Naue 


Prehistoric  Museum,  Rome. 

Collection    Baron    Franz   von    Lippenheide,   at 
Schloss  Matzen. 

Museum  of  Arezzo.     B.P.  XXVI.  viii.  i. 


Formerly  in  the  collection  of  M.  Amilcare  Ancona, 
at  Milan. 

Ownership  unknown.        '  . 

Prehistoric  Museum,  Rome.     B.P.  XXVI.  viii.  4. 


Collection  of  M.  Amilcare  Ancona,  at  Milan. 
Prehistoric  Museum,  Rome.    B.P.  xii.  261  ;  xxix. 

84-86. 
Prehistoric  Museum,  Rome.     B.P.  xii.  261  ;  xxix. 

84-86. 
Prehistoric  Museimi,  Rome.     B.P.  xii.  261  ;  xxix. 

84-86. 
Collection      Baron     Franz     von      Lippenheide, 

at  Schloss  Matzen. 
Ownership  unknown. 


10 


0        1 


Scale. 

2        3       4        s 
f-i-i-S-i-+-rT  ■ 


-I — rn — 1 — r~i — tt — r 


T — I — r 
IS  cm. 


I 


VIZ  HTAJT 


i' 


\( 


PKajo/h  mohi  8aaowa 


n !] 


1 


\ 


I  j.8$  :  .oH  ,rrsi3EuM  3tta£D  ibiwniX 

iHjijDsUoC}  bYpUl   .bnonabiJI  i  .^fiBidi  J I  aildutt 
1       /        .di8  .oPl  li 

1      I 

ir   ■ 


2 


9ftJ  9vodn  .-^rrrRrtT  ■^dtlo  F^yJ 

■  :i      II 

ihiJ.      .•Mo'ii  ,,    ,  .:i9W  ' 

.^.gs  fg^ibi)  .iii  ,imu<j|}  .22/. 
fto^v'-I    .|i  .iiixx  .kj  (eeai:)  .vx 
•q  '£4^  Ufl  -Iqnfl-  TTfS^'  .onA 
.s8s 

l9iitfra:^ndaiisCH  .noJiudliW' 
.itn/         lB9q  9/i}  ni  bnuoH 
ctor  .ijrvix 
.notiBiO  .tmfil   //i?J  abienarnA 

.  bniJhadmodJio  VI 
moiH  .x3S9[bbiM  .biohneiU 
svofjfi  .cBfruiriT  arii  !o  Lad  arii 
.jiDob  .H.V/0  3dJ 
9dJ  mot''!  .vanij^  .bnomibiH 
■ids  tjs  .Bj/tiBiiT  adi  io  bad 
.7t9w  bnB  jJool 
raoiH    i    .3ir{T-nixju-3Lj263W9H 

!.9rr/T  9dJ 


EH 


Scale. 
'       t      i      4       s 

■T  r'»  »■<  I  I  *    1^  I  I  'i' 


6<n. 
-I* 
vScni, 


PLATE  XrV. 


SWORDS  FROM  ENGLAND. 


Brentford,  Middlesex.    From  the 

bed  of  the  Thames,  above  the 

G.W.R.  dock. 
Wetheriiigsett,  Suffolk.      Arch. 

Ass.  Joum.  iii.   (1848)   254, 

XV.  (1859)  pl-  xxiii.  4.    Evans 

Anc.  Br.  Impl.  fig.  345.  p. 

282. 
Wilburton,    Cambridgeshiie. 

Found  in  the  peat.      Arch. 

xlviii.  106. 
Amerside  Law  Farm,  Chatton, 

Northumberland. 
Brentford,   Middlesex.        From 

the  bed  of  the  Thames,  above 

the  G.W.R.  dock. 
Richmond,  Surrey.      From  the 

bed  of  the  Thames,    at  the 

lock  and  weir. 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne.         From 

the  Tvne. 


Public  Library,  Brentford.     Lajrton  Collection, 


Norwich  Castle  Museum.     Fitch  collection,  785, 
76,  94.     Catalogue  of  Antiquities,  315. 


Museum  of  Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  Cambridge. 
New  Cambridge,  17  May,  1919. 

Alnwick  Castle  Museiun,  No.  228. 

Public  Library,  Brentford.     Layton  Collection. 


Public  Library,  Richmond.     Lloyd  Collection. 

No.  816. 

Black  Gate  Museum,  Newcastle-upon-Tyne.    No» 

88. 


u^ 


u 


WR 14  1975 


7  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO 


ANTHROPOLOGY 


This  publication  is  due  on  the  LAST  DATE 
and  HOUR  stamped  below. 


JUN1B1976 

DEC  11 1978 

DEC  1 6  1981 

ijAN  0  Z  ZUOU 

RB17-3nm-10,'74 
(SI664l.)41H8 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


"« 


